Between July 16, 2024, and October 1, 2025, at least 321 leaders, activists, and supporters of the Awami League and its affiliated organisations have been killed. These deaths stem from multiple sources, including:
-Extra-judicial killings carried out by law enforcement agencies.
-Custodial deaths in jails under suspicious circumstances.
-Assassinations by rival political groups or parties.
-Politically orchestrated mob lynchings.
The scope of the violence is staggering. Of these killings, at least 143 occurred in less than a month, between July 15 and August 8, 2024.
The perpetrators of these deaths have been granted total immunity from prosecution by the Yunus Regime via a controversial indemnity.
Sheikh Hasina reflects on her achievements, condemns rising poverty and violence
Ex-minister Humayun remained handcuffed after death; family blames medical negligence
Death Valley: Over a dozen brutal murders reported in two days
On October 14, 2024, the Home Ministry issued a notification stating that no cases could be filed, nor arrests made, for โany actions by students and general people between July 15 and August 8 in furtherance of the movement.โ
This blanket indemnity effectively legalised murder for a defined period of time.
For the remaining 177 killings between August 8, 2024, and September 22, 2025, an unofficial policy of impunity appears to prevail. This manifests in several ways:
-Denial of justice at the outset: Police refuse to file cases, and families of victims are frequently prevented or intimidated from lodging complaints.
-Token registration of cases under pressure: In rare instances where public outrage forces the authorities to register cases, investigations are deliberately stalled. Perpetrators are neither arrested nor prosecuted, creating a faรงade of legality while maintaining impunity.
-Systematic neglect of custodial deaths: At least 30 AL leaders, activists and supporters have died in jail custody to date under highly suspicious circumstances, pointing to something more sinister than mere negligence. Allegations of torture, medical neglect, and deliberate inaction suggest institutional complicity.
At its core, the right to life is the most fundamental human right obligation of any state. Yet the Yunus Govtโs consistent failure to protect the lives of individuals based solely on their political identity or perceived political affiliation takes the issue far beyond ordinary human rights violations.
The pattern of killings โ widespread, systematic, and sustained over time and geography – combined with evidence of targeting, coordination, and the formal grant of indemnity very likely meets the threshold of crimes against humanity under international criminal law.
The questions that follow are inescapable:
-How long can a government escape accountability for a campaign of killings on this scale?
-Will the international community recognise these crimes for what they are and act before further lives are lost?
English