Bangladesh’s political landscape has undergone a seismic shift in the chaotic aftermath of the August 2024 changeover in a jihadist-army coup, with Jamaat-e-Islami emerging from the shadows of repression to claim a central role. Once banned and vilified for its opposition to the 1971 Liberation War and engaging in terrorism, Jamaat is now poised for its strongest electoral showing in the February 12 polls, potentially trailing only the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in seats, according to recent surveys—though some of those are seriously flawed.
Publicly, Jamaat Amir Shafiqur Rahman projects an image of balance and moderation, courting superpowers like the United States, China, and India while discreetly nurturing ties with its ideological kin in Pakistan. Yet, beneath this diplomatic veneer lies a darker reality: Jamaat and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, are accused of consolidating power through institutional capture, judicial manipulation, and alliances with jihadist elements—moves that threaten to drag Bangladesh toward extremism and instability.
Drawing from recent reports and developments, this resurgence isn’t mere opportunism; it’s a calculated power grab. While Jamaat’s international outreach may stabilise its image abroad, domestically, it risks entrenching a theocratic agenda, leveraging the interim government’s weaknesses to rewrite history, exact revenge, and forge dangerous coalitions. As elections loom, Bangladesh stands at a crossroads: Will Jamaat’s balancing act foster unity, or will it unravel the nation’s secular fabric?
Public Diplomacy: A Facade Of Balance Amid Historical Baggage
Jamaat’s diplomatic efforts reveal a party eager to shed its pariah status. In his January 1, 2026, Reuters interview, Rahman disclosed a secretive 2025 meeting with an Indian diplomat post-bypass surgery, contrasting it with open engagements from other nations. He questioned India’s secrecy: “Why? Many diplomats came to me, and it was publicised. What’s the problem?” Emphasising openness, he stated, “We must be open to everyone… There is no alternative to improving relations.” India’s Foreign Ministry later framed it as routine outreach, but the episode underscores lingering distrust, given Jamaat’s pro-Pakistan roots during 1971, where it opposed independence and faced war crimes accusations.
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Relations with India have hit rock bottom since Hasina’s exile there, with Rahman calling her presence a “concern.” Yet, Jamaat insists on equilibrium: “We maintain relations with everyone in a balanced way,” Rahman told Reuters, downplaying Pakistan ties to avoid alienating partners. Secretly, however, historical bonds with Pakistan’s Jamaat-e-Islami persist, providing ideological reinforcement without public fanfare—crucial in a region where anti-India sentiment simmers.
With the US, Jamaat’s courtship is bold but conditional. A January 22, 2026, Washington Post report, citing leaked audio, shows US diplomats urging Jamaat to “be our friends,” anticipating electoral gains. The official dismissed Sharia fears but warned of tariffs on Bangladesh’s garment sector if anti-US policies emerge. Since Hasina’s fall, Jamaat has held multiple meetings with US officials, including on trade. Critics like Farhad Mazhar, in a January 23, 2026, speech, called this an “ominous signal,” noting Jamaat’s Gaza silence as alignment with US interests. Analyst Michael Kugelman warned of US-India strains, viewing Jamaat as a Pakistani proxy.
China’s ties are overtly pragmatic. Ambassador Yao Wen’s January 12, 2026, meeting with Rahman discussed cooperation, following the delegations in July 2025 and November 2024. At a January 26, 2025, aid event, Rahman praised China’s tech prowess, advocating a language academy for closer bonds. This counters US-India influence, aligning with China’s non-interference stance.
In my view, this diplomacy is shrewd camouflage. Jamaat’s “balance” masks a deeper agenda, using foreign validation to legitimise domestic consolidation. Politically incorrect as it sounds, Jamaat’s moderation—downplaying Sharia for economic ties—reeks of tactical dilution, potentially betraying its base while failing to convince sceptics.
Judicial Revenge: Quashing Past Sins, Targeting Foes
Jamaat’s resurgence includes erasing its wartime legacy. In May 2025, the Supreme Court acquitted ATM Azharul Islam, a key leader sentenced to death in 2014 for 1971 crimes like rape and genocide. Released on May 28, 2025, Azharul demanded trials for those behind “judicial killings” of Jamaat leaders executed under Hasina. This followed the interim government’s lifting of Jamaat’s ban in August 2024, and the Supreme Court’s restoration of its registration in June 2025, enabling electoral participation.
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Critics allege Jamaat-Shibir now controls the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT-BD), dubbed “farcical and illegal,” to avenge Awami League rivals. Reports from the Daily Republic and others describe ICT ordering trials against seven Awami leaders, including generals, for post-2024 violence. A Jamaat loyalist reportedly represents genocide perpetrators, flexing muscles for revenge. With the Awami League banned in May 2025, this judicial overreach—amending the International Crimes Act to dismantle parties—smacks of vendetta, not justice.
Opinion: These acquittals substantiate claims of Jamaat manipulating the judiciary. Well-documented by Al Jazeera, France 24, and others, they highlight how Jamaat has turned the tables, using courts to bury war crimes while prosecuting opponents. This isn’t reform; it’s revisionism, risking impunity for atrocities.
Mob Rule and Street Power: Touhidi Janata’s Reign Of Terror
Since August 2024, Jamaat-Shibir members have allegedly led “Touhidi Janata” mobs—self-styled “unified Islamic populace”—in nationwide attacks. Sources like Daily Republic and Al Jazeera document assaults on Sufi shrines (over 80 razed), cultural centres, libraries, and minorities. In Rajbari on September 6, 2025, mobs stormed a shrine; elsewhere, they’ve enforced “moral policing,” banning women’s sports and shaming vendors during Ramadan 2025.
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The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council tallied 2,442 attacks from August 2024, often Touhidi-branded, linked to Hefazat-e-Islam, Jamaat, and Islami Andolon. Analysts fear a “criminal-jihadist nexus,” with impunity under Yunus, fueling pre-election violence. Sajeeb Wazed and others call it organised, not mere mobs, targeting Awami symbols to silence opposition.
This mobocracy extends to unnatural deaths—197 lynchings in 2025, per reports—up from prior years, with bodies dumped streetside. Jamaat’s influence amplifies this, as Shibir sweeps student unions at Dhaka and Jahangirnagar universities.
Unsubtly, this is Jamaat weaponising street power. Substantiated by multiple outlets, including Facebook analyses and Wikipedia entries on post-resignation violence, it reveals a party fostering chaos to consolidate control—politically incorrect, but evident in the bloodied streets.
Institutional Capture: From Govt Jobs To NGOs
Jamaat-Shibir’s tentacles reach deep: Occupying key positions in government, education, NGOs, banks, and the private sectors. International Crisis Group reports 850 local governance leaders replaced by mid-August 2024, with Jamaat infiltrating bureaucracy, judiciary, and universities. Shibir’s campus victories signal academic dominance.
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Under Yunus’s interim government—accused of being “illegal-unconstitutional” and Jamaat-controlled—officials in constitutional bodies, public admin, and financial sectors have been reassigned or dismissed. Jamaat’s leverage: Influencing reforms, banning the Awami League, and placing loyalists. Reports like EUAA’s COI note politicised inefficiency, but Jamaat thrives.
Control over the Election Commission and judiciary is overt. EC barred Awami from polls; Supreme Court restored Jamaat’s registration. Accusations of EC bias abound, with Jamaat’s Taher warning against “imbalanced” elections like 2008.
This capture is well-substantiated: Diplomat, EUAA, and others detail Jamaat as a powerbroker, eroding democratic pluralism.
The Jihadist Nexus: Forging A Larger Threat
Most alarmingly, Jamaat-Shibir is allegedly forming a broader jihadist front with army elements, groups like JMB, Hizb ut-Tahrir, HUJI-B, ARSA, RSO, and Jamaatul Ansar fil Hindal Sharqiya (JAFHS)—with ISI and Turkish aid. JAFHS, formed in 2019 by JMB’s Shamin Mahfuz, merges militants from JMB, AAI, and HuJI-B, aiming for a caliphate via Chittagong Hill Tracts camps, allied with KNF insurgents.
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Banned in 2023, JAFHS poses asymmetric threats, per RSIS. Al-Qaeda links, youth recruitment amid unemployment, and poor governance fuel this. ISI’s historical Jamaat ties, plus Turkey’s Islamist leanings, suggest external backing—though direct evidence is sparse, regional concerns mount.
A Perilous Path
Jamaat’s strategy—diplomatic charm abroad, iron fist at home—is a high-stakes gamble. Rahman envisions a unity government with an anti-corruption focus, open to PM candidacy. But institutional capture, judicial revenge, mob terror, and jihadist ties paint a theocratic takeover.
Politically incorrect truth: Jamaat’s resurgence, backed by Yunus’ leniency, rehabilitates extremists, threatening minorities and secularism. Substantiated by acquittals, mob attacks, and militant mergers, it demands scrutiny. If unchecked, Bangladesh risks becoming a jihadist hub, unravelling its hard-won progress. Elections must expose this shadow empire, or the nation pays the price.
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