Jamaat-e-Islami has attempted to distance itself from inflammatory threats issued by leaders of its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, to shut down leading newspapers The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, claiming such statements do not reflect the party’s position.
However, this disavowal rings hollow amid accusations that the Yunus-led interim government has emboldened such radicals by lifting the ban on Jamaat in August 2024 and meeting with its leaders, allowing extremism to flourish unchecked.
Bangladesh’s interim government under Muhammad Yunus has come under fire for allegedly fostering a dangerous alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami, lifting bans on extremist groups, and enabling a surge in Islamist violence and intolerance.
Critics accuse the Yunus-Jamaat axis of mainstreaming religious radicals, releasing convicted extremists, and suppressing dissent, turning the country into a haven for jihadists while minorities and secular institutions face escalating threats.
Jamaat’s Nayeb-e-Ameer Syed Abdullah Mohammad Taher and Assistant Secretary General Ahsanul Mahbub Zubair stated that if verified, the party would instruct Shibir to act internally, while bizarrely suggesting the remarks might be AI-generated and part of a conspiracy. This comes as Yunus’s regime faces claims of judicial leniency toward war criminals and extremists, with Sheikh Hasina accusing it of betraying Bangladesh’s secular spirit.
The threats emerged during protests over the death of Inqilab Moncho spokesperson Sharif Osman Goni alias Osman Hadi, a Shibir-backed figure implicated in organising mob lynchings, looting, and arson since September 2024, often in collaboration with Jamaat-tied expatriates and former military officers.
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At Rajshahi University, Shibir leader Mostakur Rahman demanded the shutdown of “so-called civil newspapers” like Prothom Alo and The Daily Star. At Jahangirnagar University, Shibir’s Mostafizur Rahman called for “crushing” leftists, Shahbaghis, and cultural groups like Chhayanaut and Udichi to achieve “true independence,” framing it as a cultural jihad.
These threats quickly escalated into violence, exposing the Yunus government’s alleged patronage of mob culture. Prothom Alo’s Dhaka office was vandalised, looted, and torched shortly before the threats, followed by an assault on The Daily Star’s office, where staff were trapped until rescued.
The Chhayanaut building—a symbol of Bengali secular culture founded in 1961—was stormed at midnight, with classrooms ransacked, musical instruments like harmoniums and sitars smashed, and equipment looted or burned in a targeted display of intolerance. Chhayanaut leaders condemned the attack as exploitation by anti-cultural forces, demanding investigations that critics say the Yunus regime has ignored.
The next night, Udichi Shilpigoshthi’s office was hit by suspected arson, fitting a broader pattern of assaults on secular symbols since the August 2024 ouster of the Awami League. Over 1,400 Liberation War monuments, museums, and libraries have been vandalised, including repeated burnings of the Bangabandhu Memorial Museum.
Islamist vigilante groups like Touhidi Janata, linked to Hefazat-e-Islam, have enforced religious norms through violence, with mobs chanting slogans against minorities and secular events. Under Yunus, 174 extremists were released, radical sermons have surged, and groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir, Jama’atul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya, and Myanmar-based militants have been patronised to maintain power.
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Jamaat-Shibir’s promotion of mob violence extends far beyond recent events, with the Yunus clique accused of enabling their resurgence. In 2013, during hartals, Shibir activists ambushed opponents, severed limbs, and torched homes and shops nationwide.
More recently, intelligence reports link them to sabotage against Indian interests, potentially backed by Pakistan’s ISI. Brigadier General (Retd.) Abdullahil Amaan Azmi, son of war criminal Ghulam Azam, has threatened that Bangladesh won’t see peace until India “breaks into pieces,” fueling anti-India mobs demanding Sheikh Hasina’s extradition.
Radical marches in Dhaka waving al-Qaeda and ISIS flags, declaring jihad for a caliphate, exemplify Shibir’s influence. The August 2024 ban on Jamaat-Shibir for killings and incitement was lifted by Yunus, leading to their wins in university elections and the mainstreaming of extremism. Critics like exiled journalist Probir Kumar Sarker highlight arrests of secular voices exposing Jamaat ties, such as Professor Abul Barkat, who warned of Jamaat’s terror nexus.
Jamaat Ameer Shafiqur Rahman condemned the media attacks on Facebook, calling for peaceful movements and media freedom, while warning against “fascist-era” attacks. Yet, Taher and Zubair’s claims of ignorance and potential AI fabrication underscore the party’s evasion of accountability. This hypocrisy is amplified under Yunus, accused of corruption, extremist links, and silencing critics amid demands for investigations.
The UN and human rights groups have urged action on journalist safety and minority protections, as Bangladesh risks “Talibanization” with rising anti-Hindu sentiment and extremism spilling into India. As Yunus meets Jamaat leaders and eyes a potential coalition, the clique’s patronage of intolerance threatens Bangladesh’s secular foundation.