Bangladesh has witnessed a deeply troubling pattern of extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths under the interim administration, led by Muhammad Yunus, highlighting systemic failures in law enforcement, prison management, and judicial accountability. In the past year, JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF) recorded a total of 60 incidents resulting in 70 victims of extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths carried out by law and security personnel as well as prison authorities, till July 30, said the rights group in its latest report.
The victims included the killing of a Bangladesh Awami League supporter in Gopalganj during a peaceful democratic movement by gunfire, and the killing of three indigenous people in Khagrachhari by army personnel.
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Moreover, one Dalit youth in Kishoreganj and one Jubo Dal leader in Jessore were killed in torture at the hands of the army.
Furthermore, two garment workers were killed in Dhaka, including one female worker, by police gunfire during a peaceful wage demonstration, and a child in Barishal by a RAB gunshot.
In addition, two Awami League supporters in Gaibandha died after being detained; two Jubo Dal leaders were killed in Mymensingh and Cumilla due to torture by joint forces; and one autorickshaw driver in Kishoreganj and one shrimp trader in Bagerhat were killed by police torture.
Furthermore, six Awami League leaders and supporters died in jail custody in Naogaon, Dhaka, Gazipur, Gopalganj, Khulna, and Cumilla as a consequence of torture during police remand. Additionally, in Bogura prison, five Awami League leaders died due to medical negligence, which appeared to be part of a targeted campaign to eliminate political opponents.
A substantial portion of these deaths occurred within state custody, including 33 incidents (55%) caused by law enforcement and security personnel, and 27 incidents (45%) in prisons, reflecting profound institutional weaknesses and a pervasive culture of impunity.
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Politically and economically significant regions, such as Dhaka (38% of incidents, 40% of victims) and Chittagong (28% of incidents, 30% of victims), were disproportionately affected, suggesting potential politically motivated targeting.
The perpetrators spanned multiple branches of the state security apparatusโincluding the police, army, joint forces, prison officials, RAB, Coast Guard, Air Force, DB, and DNCโunderscoring systemic failures in oversight and accountability.
Torture was the most common method (45% of incidents), followed by gunshot-related deaths (20%) and medical negligence (30%), reflecting both direct physical violence and structural neglect within custodial care. Victims were predominantly affiliated with the Bangladesh Awami League (49%), though non-partisan citizens and minority groups, including indigenous populations and UPDF members, were also affected.
Legal remedies were extremely limited; only seven incidents (12%), affecting seven victims (10%), saw actions taken. The remaining 88% of cases went unaddressed, highlighting systemic impunity and widespread fear of persecution.
These findings demonstrate a clear failure of the interim government to protect life, uphold human rights, and enforce accountability. The repeated incidents of excessive force, torture, and medical negligence under the administrationโs watch expose not only institutional weaknesses but also a troubling disregard for the rule of law and the protection of citizensโ fundamental rights.
The JMBF said that although Bangladesh is bound by numerous domestic and international legal frameworks and institutional obligations, the period under the interim government has been marked by an upsurge in state-led repression, including extrajudicial killings by law enforcement and deaths in custody within both law enforcement agencies and the prison system.
These acts have raised alarm both nationally and internationally, particularly in light of the countryโs commitments to uphold human rights and human dignity.
The Constitution of Bangladesh enshrines several key human rights protections:
– Article 32: Right to life and personal liberty.
– Article 33: Protection from arbitrary arrest and detention.
– Article 35(5): Prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment.
Despite these constitutional guarantees, de facto emergency practices during the interim period have raised serious concerns. These include prolonged detentions without charge, denial of bail, and excessive use of force by police and paramilitary units.
Bangladeshโs legal framework for addressing state abuse includes:
– Penal Code, 1860: Criminalises murder (Sec. 302), wrongful confinement (Sec. 340), and abuse of authority (Sec. 166).
– Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1898: Regulates arrest, detention, investigation, and prosecution.
– Police Act, 1861 and Police Regulations: Define police roles but lack modern accountability mechanisms.
– Torture and Custodial Death (Prevention) Act, 2013: Criminalises torture and custodial deaths; empowers victims and families to seek redress.
However, its implementation is weak, particularly during politically sensitive periods.
The Prisons Act, 1894 and the Jail Code govern prison administration but are outdated and lack alignment with international human rights norms.
Conditions inside prisons are absorbing, including overcrowding, medical neglect, and lack of oversight, and frequently contribute to preventable custodial deaths.
The 2013 Torture Act applies to prison officials, but enforcement remains sporadic and politically constrained, the JMBF said.
The international legal obligations and treaty obligations have also been ignored during the Yunus regime.
Bangladesh is a party to:
– International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR): Articles 6, 7, and 10 are directly applicable to extrajudicial killings and custodial treatment.
– Convention Against Torture (CAT): Ratified in 1998, obligating Bangladesh to criminalise and prevent torture and investigate all credible allegations.
There are some gaps in the implementation of the conventions since CAT and ICCPR obligations are not fully integrated into domestic law; no recent follow-up reports have been submitted to the UN Committee Against Torture; and continued reports of intimidation, impunity, and procedural obstruction in custodial death cases.
The Yunus regime has magnified pre-existing deficiencies in Bangladeshโs criminal justice and detention systems. Extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths are not anomaliesโthey are outcomes of systemic impunity, weak enforcement, and outdated policy frameworks. Legal reform, institutional independence, and international engagement are essential if Bangladesh is to uphold its constitutional values and fulfil its international obligations, the JMBF said.
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