Arrested in a politically motivated murder case a year ago, former minister, four-time lawmaker and Supreme Court lawyer from the Narsingdi-4 constituency, Nurul Majid Mahmud Humayun, died while undergoing treatment at Dhaka Medical College Hospital on Monday.
Since last year, at least 72 Awami League leaders and activists have been killed extrajudicially by the law enforcers and inside prisons, say rights groups.
Rapid Action Battalion arrested Humayun, 74, from his Gulshan residence on September 24 last year in a case filed over the death of a labour leader in Narsingdi on August 4. The following day, police produced him in court, which sent him to jail pending an investigation.
DMCH officials said that Humayun was admitted to the hospital’s medicine ward on Saturday and shifted to the ICU on Sunday. He breathed his last around 8:30am on Monday, according to Prothom Alo.
His son, Manzurul Majid Mahmud Sadi, also confirmed the death in a Facebook post this morning.
According to a jail notification, Humayun was admitted to DMCH with uncontrolled bowel and bladder complications. As his condition deteriorated, he was shifted to the ICU around 4pm on Sunday.
Humayun was elected as a Member of Parliament in the 1986 parliamentary election as an Awami League candidate. He was re-elected in the 9th parliamentary election in 2008 and served on the Standing Committee for the Ministry of Defence.
In the 10th national election in 2014, he was re-elected as an Awami League MP. He served as Chairman of the Standing Committees for Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment, as well as the Ministry of Commerce, and was also a member of the Standing Committee on Public Institutions.
Elected for the fourth consecutive term as MP in 2019, he became the Minister for Industries.
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Condemning the custodial deaths and extrajudicial killings, the Awami League recently said that the people of this country are witnessing how the illegal usurper, killer, fascist Yunus and his cohorts are murdering Awami League leaders and activists through various means. By filing false and harassing cases, they are unjustly detaining Awami League leaders and workers, leaders of the central 14-party alliance, and people from various professions for days on end.
โAlthough prisons are considered one of the safest places in the world, detainees are being subjected to hellish suffering there. They are enduring indescribable physical and mental torture. As a result, the procession of deaths in custody grows longer every day. Recently, custodial killings have taken place in Sylhet, Moulvibazar, and Gaibandha districts. Despite public concern and the cries of bereaved families, the illegal usurper government remains unmoved.
โEven now, Awami League leaders and activists are being killed through various forms of torture. False and harassing cases are filed against everyone. When bail is granted in one case, the accused are shown arrested in another to unjustly keep them detained. In this way, alongside physical torture, psychological torture is also being carried out to kill Awami League leaders and activists.โ
Although Bangladesh is bound by numerous domestic and international legal frameworks and institutional obligations, the period under the interim government has been marked by an upsurge in state-led repression, including extrajudicial killings by law enforcement and deaths in custody within both law enforcement agencies and the prison system, said the JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF).
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These acts have raised alarm both nationally and internationally, particularly in light of the countryโs commitments to uphold human rights and human dignity.
The Constitution of Bangladesh enshrines several key human rights protections:
โ Article 32: Right to life and personal liberty.
โ Article 33: Protection from arbitrary arrest and detention.
โ Article 35(5): Prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment.
Despite these constitutional guarantees, de facto emergency practices during the interim period have raised serious concerns. These include prolonged detentions without charge, denial of bail, and excessive use of force by police and paramilitary units.
Bangladeshโs legal framework for addressing state abuse includes:
โ Penal Code, 1860: Criminalises murder (Sec. 302), wrongful confinement (Sec. 340), and abuse of authority (Sec. 166).
โ Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), 1898: Regulates arrest, detention, investigation, and prosecution.
โ Police Act, 1861 and Police Regulations: Define police roles but lack modern accountability mechanisms.
โ Torture and Custodial Death (Prevention) Act, 2013: Criminalises torture and custodial deaths; empowers victims and families to seek redress.
However, its implementation is weak, particularly during politically sensitive periods.
The Prisons Act, 1894 and the Jail Code govern prison administration but are outdated and lack alignment with international human rights norms.
Conditions inside prisons are absorbing, including overcrowding, medical neglect, and lack of oversight, and frequently contribute to preventable custodial deaths.
The 2013 Torture Act applies to prison officials, but enforcement remains sporadic and politically constrained, the JMBF said.
The international legal obligations and treaty obligations have also been ignored during the Yunus regime.
Bangladesh is a party to:
โ International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR): Articles 6, 7, and 10 are directly applicable to extrajudicial killings and custodial treatment.
โ Convention Against Torture (CAT): Ratified in 1998, obligating Bangladesh to criminalise and prevent torture and investigate all credible allegations.
There are some gaps in the implementation of the conventions since CAT and ICCPR obligations are not fully integrated into domestic law; no recent follow-up reports have been submitted to the UN Committee Against Torture; and continued reports of intimidation, impunity, and procedural obstruction in custodial death cases.
The Yunus regime has magnified pre-existing deficiencies in Bangladeshโs criminal justice and detention systems. Extrajudicial killings and custodial deaths are not anomaliesโthey are outcomes of systemic impunity, weak enforcement, and outdated policy frameworks. Legal reform, institutional independence, and international engagement are essential if Bangladesh is to uphold its constitutional values and fulfil its international obligations, the JMBF said.
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