The July National Charter, intended as a roadmap for constitutional reform in Bangladesh, has sparked significant dissent among political parties, revealing deep concerns about its content and the motives of the Jamaat-controlled interim government led by Chief Adviser Dr. Muhammad Yunus.
Four left-wing parties—Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), Bangladesh Socialist Party (BSD), BSD (Marxist), and Bangladesh JSD—along with Dr. Kamal Hossain’s Gono Forum, have refused to sign the charter, citing its failure to honour the spirit of the 1971 Liberation War and alleging a troubling pro-Pakistani tilt in the Yunus administration’s agenda. This op-ed examines these issues, alongside the walkouts and boycotts that underscore the growing discontent with the charter and its implications for Bangladesh’s democratic future.
Erosion of the Liberation War Spirit
The dissenting parties argue that the July Charter undermines the foundational principles of Bangladesh’s independence. At a press conference held at the CPB office in Purana Paltan on October 16, 2025, BSD General Secretary Bazlur Rashid Firoz criticised the charter for misrepresenting the history of the Liberation War and Bangladesh’s political movements.
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Specifically, the parties object to recommendations in the charter that propose removing the “Declaration of Independence” from the 6th Schedule and the “Proclamation of Independence” from the 7th Schedule under Article 150(2) of the Constitution. These documents are seen as cornerstones of Bangladesh’s identity as a sovereign nation born from the 1971 Liberation War against Pakistan. Their proposed deletion is perceived as an attempt to erase the war’s legacy, a move that critics argue aligns with a pro-Pakistani agenda that threatens the nation’s core values.
The parties further contend that the charter’s exclusion of the four fundamental principles of the 1972 Constitution—democracy, socialism, secularism, and nationalism—signals a deliberate shift away from the ideals that defined Bangladesh’s struggle for independence. Firoz emphasised: “Deciding against these principles is tantamount to denying the Liberation War itself.”
This sentiment reflects a broader fear that the Yunus administration is steering Bangladesh toward a revisionist narrative that diminishes the sacrifices of 1971, potentially aligning with forces sympathetic to Pakistan’s historical stance.
Pro-Pakistani Agenda
Critics of the Yunus regime point to several actions that suggest a pro-Pakistani orientation. The interim government’s composition and its foreign engagements have raised eyebrows, particularly Dr. Yunus’s decision to include representatives from the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), and Jamaat-e-Islami in his delegation to a recent United Nations session.
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These parties, particularly Jamaat-e-Islami, have historically faced accusations of pro-Pakistani leanings due to their opposition to the 1971 independence movement. By aligning with these groups, Dr. Yunus is seen as legitimising forces that challenge Bangladesh’s secular and nationalist foundations, further fueling suspicions of a pro-Pakistani agenda.
Moreover, the omission of Article 106 from the final draft of the July Charter—previously referenced to justify the interim government’s formation under Supreme Court guidance—has been interpreted as an attempt to obscure the legal basis of Yunus’s authority.
This move, combined with the proposal to shield the charter from judicial scrutiny (Clause 3), raises concerns that the administration seeks to operate without accountability, a tactic critics liken to authoritarian regimes, including Pakistan’s historical governance model. Such actions deepen the perception that the Yunus regime is undermining Bangladesh’s sovereignty in favour of external influences.
Walkouts, Boycotts, and Growing Dissent
The process of drafting the July Charter has been marred by walkouts and boycotts, reflecting widespread discontent. On July 28, 2025, BNP representatives briefly walked out of a National Consensus Commission meeting after their proposals for transparent appointment committees for key institutions, including the Anti-Corruption Commission and Public Service Commission, were ignored.
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BNP Standing Committee member Salah Uddin Ahmed noted: “The commission disregarded our input, forcing us to leave temporarily.” Though they later rejoined, the incident highlighted tensions in the consensus-building process.
More significantly, on July 31, the four left-wing parties staged a walkout from the commission’s second-phase meeting, protesting the exclusion of the 1972 Constitution’s fundamental principles.
They viewed this as a direct attack on the Liberation War’s legacy. Although these parties rejoined in the third phase, their refusal to sign the charter underscores unresolved grievances. Firoz articulated their stance: “We cannot endorse a charter that contradicts the democratic and secular ideals of our Constitution while shielding itself from judicial review.”
The dissent extends beyond these parties. Dr. Kamal Hossain’s Gono Forum, a key advocate for constitutional integrity, also declined to sign, demanding amendments to reflect Bangladesh’s historical and political context accurately. The parties argue that the inclusion of dissenting opinions in the final charter, without proper resolution, undermines the consensus promised by Dr. Yunus at the commission’s inception. Firoz questioned: “How can a charter with unresolved disagreements be implemented as a unified vision?”
A Flawed Process
The National Consensus Commission, formed on February 12, 2024, under Dr. Yunus’s leadership, aimed to reform the Constitution in line with the “aspirations of July.” Over eight months, it engaged 51 political parties, including 21 registered and 30 unregistered groups, in three phases of discussions. The final charter, presented on October 14, 2025, contains 84 reform proposals, divided into 47 requiring constitutional amendments and 37 implementable through ordinances.
However, disagreements persist over critical issues, including the referendum process to legitimise the charter. Some parties advocate for a referendum before the February 2026 national elections, while others propose holding it on election day. This lack of consensus has led to accusations that the Yunus administration is rushing the process to consolidate power.
The commission’s failure to address dissenting opinions transparently has further eroded trust. A commission member, speaking anonymously to Bangla Tribune, admitted: “We struggled to unify the parties, which is why the timeline was extended repeatedly.”
Shahadat Hossain Selim of the Liberal Democratic Party suggested that opposition to the charter might be a deliberate attempt by some parties to delay elections, hinting at a “political syndicate” at play.
A Path Forward
The July Charter’s contentious provisions and the Yunus administration’s handling of dissent raise serious questions about its commitment to Bangladesh’s democratic and secular ideals. The proposed erasure of Liberation War documents, coupled with the administration’s alignment with controversial political groups, fuels allegations of a pro-Pakistani agenda that threatens the nation’s identity. The walkouts and boycotts by left-wing parties and Gono Forum reflect a broader crisis of confidence in the interim government’s intentions.
To restore trust, the Yunus administration must reconsider its approach, ensuring that the charter respects Bangladesh’s Liberation War legacy and adheres to the 1972 Constitution’s principles. A transparent referendum process, free from judicial exemptions, is essential to legitimize reforms. Failure to address these concerns risks deepening divisions and undermining the democratic aspirations of the Bangladeshi people.
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