Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support

By Dr. Akash Mazumder

Abstract

This article explores the legal and political implications of the statement “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support,” issued by a Bangladeshi advocate amidst unprecedented violence, mass arrests, political instability, and extrajudicial actions post-5 August 2024. Centering the analysis around the Gopalganj Massacre of 16 July 2025, this paper investigates how radical militancy, deep-state networks, and international conspiracies have orchestrated a multidimensional threat against the democratic framework of Bangladesh. Employing constitutional analysis, international law, and judicial precedents, this paper also evaluates mob trials, state-sanctioned suppression, and the erosion of civil liberties under what is perceived as a hybrid war against sovereign governance. The statement “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support,” as declared by a senior Bangladeshi advocate, encapsulates the deep constitutional, political, and humanitarian crisis that has engulfed Bangladesh in the aftermath of the events of 5 August 2024. This article critically analyzes the circumstances that led to this crisis, with a specific focus on the Gopalganj Massacre of 16 July 2025, the dismantling of democratic institutions, the eruption of mob trials, targeted political arrests, and the overarching involvement of radical militancy and foreign strategic actors, particularly the alleged U.S. deep state influence.

What Article 72 says about presidential authority and parliament dissolution

The economy of fundamentalism in Bangladesh: Funding, revenue, and political patronage

Gopalganj Massacre: What upholds international conventions, treaties, and laws?

Post-5 August 2024, Bangladesh entered a legal and constitutional vacuum as the nation’s legitimate parliamentary system was suspended without elections, violating Articles 65 and 72 of the Constitution. In its place, a controversial interim regime emerged, allegedly involving unelected actors such as Dr. Muhammad Yunus and factions with ties to the Jamaat-e-Islami and external forces. This illegal transition of power, lacking in both constitutional mandate and judicial oversight, triggered a systemic breakdown in governance, justice, and civilian protection.

Through qualitative legal-analytical methodology, the article explores how this legal void gave rise to conspiratorial governance structures, the silencing of dissent, and an unprecedented rise in human rights violations. The Gopalganj Massacre, involving high-ranking military officials and sanctioned violence against civilians, is studied as a case of state-sponsored atrocity and foreign-backed destabilization. The paper further examines how the international community, including the United Nations and Western media outlets, failed to respond meaningfully—exposing the selective application of international human rights standards.

In its final sections, the paper underscores the urgency of national resistance and civil resilience. It proposes a return to constitutionalism, judicial integrity, and collective civic engagement as the only viable paths forward. In drawing connections between deep state geopolitics, domestic collapse, and the broader narrative of life support, this study contributes to the global discourse on the fragility of democracy and the power of resistance against legal illegitimacy.

Keywords

Bangladesh crisis; Gopalganj Massacre; Life support politics; Constitutional breakdown; Post-5 August 2024; Mob trials; Radical militancy; Deep state; International complicity; Human rights violations; Judicial collapse; Muhammad Yunus; Illegal interim government; Civil resistance; U.S. foreign policy in South Asia.

1. Introduction
In the wake of political turbulence and escalating violence, a renowned advocate of Bangladesh declared, “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support.” This metaphor reflects the critical condition of the nation’s constitutional and democratic integrity following a series of violent events, controversial governmental transitions, and foreign-influenced power dynamics. Particularly, the Gopalganj Massacre of 16 July 2025, has come to symbolize the culmination of a broader conspiracy rooted in radical militancy and clandestine global agendas. The aftermath of the August 5, 2024, disruption, orchestrated by what some have termed the “US deep state project,” has transformed the internal power balance and public order in Bangladesh.

“Life Support” as Legal Reality

The phrase “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support” encapsulates not only a moral despair but a legal condition wherein constitutional mechanisms have been overridden, democratic governance replaced with covert operations, and civil rights hollowed out.

Bangladesh faces a compounded crisis of legitimacy, sovereignty, and legal order—exacerbated by global power projection and local radicalization. To restore normalcy, constitutional supremacy, judicial independence, and international neutrality must be urgently reestablished.

2. Contextualizing the Statement: “Now the Whole Bangladesh Is Under Life Support”

2.1 The Metaphor and Its Legal Weight

The phrase “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support,” as stated by a Bangladeshi advocate, serves not merely as a rhetorical device but as a precise socio-legal diagnosis of a nation facing existential crisis. Within legal discourse, the term “life support” metaphorically implies a condition where the vital organs of statecraft—executive, legislative, judiciary, and civil society—are failing or have been paralyzed. It implies an abandonment of the foundational structure of the rule of law, democratic pluralism, institutional integrity, and national sovereignty. The context for this assertion must be explored through a multifaceted lens that incorporates political deterioration, economic disruption, constitutional breakdown, media censorship, human rights violations, and increasing foreign interference.

2.2 Democratic Institutions and Constitutional Breakdown

Bangladesh’s constitutional structure, established by the Constitution of 1972, is predicated upon the separation of powers, participatory governance, and the inviolability of fundamental rights. However, the events leading to and following 5 August 2024 have caused a systemic collapse. The constitutional provisions under Article 55 (composition of the Cabinet), Article 56 (Ministerial appointments), and Article 57 (responsibility to Parliament) have been effectively suspended with the installation of what many legal scholars and civil society observers have termed a de facto interim government without electoral or parliamentary mandate (Barkat & Zaman, 2025).

Moreover, Article 72 of the Constitution, which outlines procedures for dissolving Parliament, was flagrantly violated when the previous Parliament was dissolved through presidential proclamation under extra-judicial circumstances. No general elections were held, and there was no national consensus or referendum. The advocate’s “life support” comment becomes tragically apt when constitutional guardianship is no longer respected, leading to what some analysts have termed a “juridical coma” (Chowdhury, 2025).

2.3 Judiciary as a Paralyzed Organ

The judiciary, considered the last bastion of legal recourse, has shown troubling signs of politicization and inertia. Post-5 August 2024, no significant suo motu action was taken by the Supreme Court despite public petitions, nationwide protests, and allegations of gross human rights violations. The Chief Justice has remained publicly silent on the Gopalganj Massacre and the series of mob trials that followed.

The foundational principles of due process under Article 35 (right to fair trial), Article 44 (right to enforcement of fundamental rights), and judicial review under Article 102 are being either suspended or manipulated (Khan, 2025). The systemic judicial failure in the face of such a national emergency evokes historical parallels with countries under military coups or totalitarian regimes, where courts serve only to legitimize executive overreach.

2.4 Civil Society Suppression and Censorship

The statement also reflects the suffocation of civil society. Bangladesh’s vibrant network of NGOs, legal aid societies, universities, journalists, and rights defenders has been effectively silenced. As of early 2025, more than 200 journalists were detained under the Digital Security Act (DSA), and dozens of news portals were banned (HRW, 2024).

Moreover, social media monitoring and mass surveillance have reached Orwellian proportions, with blanket data tracking and AI-based speech recognition being deployed by intelligence agencies. The freedom of expression guaranteed under Article 39 of the Constitution has become non-operative. The advocate’s metaphor of “life support” vividly captures this social suffocation.

2.5 Economic Disintegration and Social Insecurity

Bangladesh’s economy, heavily dependent on garment exports and remittances, has faced crippling disruptions due to political instability, foreign sanctions, and internal sabotage. Inflation has crossed 12%, unemployment has risen by 7%, and FDI has fallen by nearly 40% in FY2024-25 (Rahman & Kabir, 2025).

Public services have collapsed in parts of the country, especially in opposition-heavy areas. Education is irregular; healthcare, already strained, is inaccessible in rural districts due to political neglect. State-sponsored discrimination in resource allocation mirrors apartheid-style governance, where certain regions are unofficially red-zoned. These economic symptoms further validate the life support analogy, wherein state machinery can no longer sustain societal functions.

2.6 Erosion of Electoral Integrity and Political Participation

Following the August 2024 disruption, elections at local, municipal, and national levels have either been suspended or turned into farcical, unopposed exercises. Major opposition parties, student unions, and religious organizations have boycotted the system, citing coercion and disenfranchisement.

Bangladesh’s Election Commission, as per Article 118, is designed to operate independently. However, leaked documents and whistleblower accounts indicate that it has been functioning under military and intelligence supervision since late 2024. The legitimacy crisis created by this electoral vacuum gives rise to political entropy—a key symptom of a state under “life support.”

2.7 Militant Resurgence and Targeted Violence

The resurgence of radical militancy since August 2024 has been both violent and politically strategic. Extremist groups have targeted secular academics, journalists, and minority leaders with the apparent goal of reshaping the national ideological framework. The Gopalganj Massacre itself, in which many Hindu families and pro-government civil servants were killed, points to a pattern of ethno-political cleansing reminiscent of genocidal methodologies (Daily Sangbad, 2025).

The state’s failure to anticipate or prevent such attacks, and its delayed response, are symptomatic of a deeper dysfunction. The intelligence vacuum or possible complicity suggests that the state is either captured or immobilized—a nation no longer in control of its sovereignty.

2.8 Foreign Influence and the Deep-State Project

Perhaps the most contentious aspect of the statement is its implication that foreign actors, particularly Western institutions, are involved in Bangladesh’s internal breakdown. There is growing evidence of a covert “deep state” project led by transnational NGOs, diplomatic missions, and intelligence networks that aim to reconfigure Bangladesh’s political landscape to suit global capitalist and strategic interests (Ahmed, 2025).

These actors often operate under the guise of democracy promotion and human rights, but their selective outrage and operational alliances betray an underlying agenda. The 2024 UNHRC silence on Gopalganj, juxtaposed with its loud condemnation of earlier domestic actions by the previous democratic government, illustrates this double standard. In this context, the “life support” diagnosis also implies external manipulation sustaining a comatose state for ulterior motives.

2.9 Psychological and Symbolic Impact on the Nation

The psychological weight of the term “life support” cannot be underestimated. In a nation where mass trauma from historical events like 1971 still runs deep, the current crisis has reactivated collective anxiety. A population that once believed in democratic transition and economic growth now confronts anomie and despair.

This emotional and symbolic paralysis manifests in art, literature, and public discourse—where expressions of national pride are replaced by existential questions about sovereignty, justice, and future. In this symbolic sense, the statement becomes a profound psychological diagnosis.

2.10 The Advocate’s Statement as a Legal Testimony

Finally, the statement by the advocate must be seen not only as commentary but as a legal and historical testimony. In situations where formal institutions fail, public statements by credible legal professionals become part of national memory and jurisprudence. The statement may one day serve as evidence in truth commissions or international tribunals.

As noted in various transitional justice frameworks (ICTY, South Africa’s TRC), public witnessing holds evidentiary value. Hence, the phrase “life support” becomes both an allegorical and a forensic artifact of a nation fighting for its life.

3. Post–5 August 2024: Legal Vacuum and the Rise of Conspiracy

3.1 Introduction to the Constitutional Crisis

On 5 August 2024, Bangladesh experienced what many legal scholars and democratic observers describe as a constitutional rupture. This rupture was marked by the suspension of scheduled general elections, the unexplained departure of key democratic leaders, and the sudden installation of a technocratic interim government led by individuals with no electoral mandate or judicial backing. The advocate’s characterization of Bangladesh being under “life support” finds direct legal resonance here. The very life-force of a constitutional democracy—people’s sovereignty expressed through voting, judicial protection of rights, and checks on executive power—was drained in a coordinated and covert transition that evaded all institutional safeguards (Barkat & Zaman, 2025).

3.2 Constitutional Violations and Legal Irregularities

The Bangladesh Constitution, particularly Article 123, lays down the framework for holding elections following the dissolution of Parliament. Additionally, Article 72 mandates that Parliament cannot continue beyond its five-year term. However, on 5 August 2024, rather than calling for general elections as per constitutional mandates, a transitional arrangement was imposed. This arrangement ignored:

Article 11: The Republic shall be a democracy in which fundamental human rights and freedoms and respect for the dignity and worth of the human person shall be guaranteed.

Article 55-57: Executive power shall be exercised by or on the authority of the Prime Minister.

Article 65: The Parliament is the legislative body of the Republic.

The lack of a judicial review process, coupled with the absence of parliamentary debate or referendum, indicates a coup of legality, where constitutional mechanisms were subverted rather than outright suspended—creating a sophisticated form of institutional decay (Chowdhury, 2025).

3.3 The Role of Non-State Actors in Legal Subversion

It was observed that a number of foreign-funded NGOs, think tanks, and media outlets, particularly those with affiliations to Western diplomatic missions, were instrumental in normalizing the interim government. Their immediate endorsements and media campaigns created an environment where public dissent was framed as “anti-stability” or “pro-extremism.”

Key legal questions emerge:

Under which constitutional or international provision did these actors gain legitimacy to influence national transitions?

What were the checks and balances to prevent undue influence over electoral and governmental bodies?

Leaked communications revealed that at least two major international development organizations conducted off-record meetings with mid-ranking military and intelligence officials days before the transition (Ahmed, 2025). The use of foreign diplomacy and funding to shape domestic power structures is a direct violation of Article 7 of the UN Charter on non-intervention.

3.4 Media Engineering and the Manufacture of Consent

Major foreign media outlets like Al Jazeera, BBC, and Deutsche Welle ran back-to-back features highlighting the need for a transitional phase in Bangladesh just before the 5 August event. Legal experts argue that this media blitz created a preemptive justification narrative, setting the stage for international acceptance of an unconstitutional order (Rahman & Kabir, 2025).

The systemic erasure of opposing narratives through digital suppression, algorithmic de-boosting of dissenting content, and forced takedowns from social media platforms undermined the freedom of expression guaranteed under Article 39 of the Constitution and Article 19 of the ICCPR.

3.5 Intelligence Community’s Role in Transition

Bangladesh’s Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) and a faction within the Armed Forces have been accused of facilitating the extra-parliamentary transition. Witness testimonies suggest that strategic intimidation, forced disappearances of electoral officers, and staged violence were used to create the conditions necessary for “emergency governance.”

Legal precedent under the Supreme Court’s rulings in Khandaker Delwar Hossain v. Bangladesh (2008) warned of any state authority being exercised beyond the Constitution. Post-5 August events demonstrate blatant disregard for this principle.

3.6 Suppression of Judicial Oversight

A legal vacuum was sustained by ensuring that judicial redress mechanisms were defanged. Several High Court benches reportedly refused to hear writs challenging the legality of the interim government. Judges were reassigned or placed on leave under opaque administrative actions. Even prominent advocates faced professional sanctions for filing PILs (Public Interest Litigations).

This deactivation of legal recourse constitutes a violation of:

Article 44: Enforcement of fundamental rights.

Article 102: Jurisdiction of the High Court Division to issue orders and directions.

The silence of the judiciary in a time of national legal crisis reflects either coercion or cooptation—both rendering the Constitution a symbolic document rather than a governing force (Khan, 2025).

3.7 The Gopalganj Massacre as a Result of Anarchy

The collapse of law and order following 5 August 2024 reached its nadir during the Gopalganj Massacre of 16 July 2025. Initial investigations revealed that armed non-state actors, in collaboration with rogue state agents, carried out a coordinated attack that resulted in over 250 deaths.

Legal implications:

Violations of Articles 31 and 32: Protection of the law and right to life.

Violation of Rome Statute Article 7: Crimes against humanity.

The absence of any judicial commission, lack of official parliamentary inquiry, and the refusal of the UN to investigate the massacre further deepens the legal vacuum. This environment not only nullifies legal norms but emboldens future acts of terror and political cleansing.

3.8 Mob Trials and the Collapse of the Rule of Law

Following the transition, there was a dramatic rise in extrajudicial “people’s courts” held in rural areas. Several were live-streamed on encrypted social media channels such as Telegram and Signal. Accused individuals were given summary punishments, including public beatings and executions. These acts were cheered by radicalized digital mobs.

This breakdown in legal procedure violates:

Article 35(3): Right to a speedy and fair trial by an independent and impartial court.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 10: Right to a public hearing by an independent tribunal.

Furthermore, government complicity was evident when law enforcement not only failed to intervene but, in several cases, facilitated such gatherings under the guise of “public justice.”

3.9 Emergence of Radical Militant Factions

The removal of elected leadership and dismantling of institutional accountability created a fertile ground for militant groups to expand their influence. Organizations such as Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Ansar al-Islam resurfaced, taking advantage of the security vacuum.

Legal and national security experts argue that this was not incidental but instrumental—a planned destabilization strategy to enable a military-intelligence state operating under perpetual emergency laws. This follows the trajectory seen in post-invasion Iraq and Syria (Zizek, 2024).

3.10 The Deep State Theory and Legal Invisibility

A recurring theme in this post-August analysis is the role of the “deep state”—an unelected, unaccountable network of intelligence, military, foreign advisors, and NGO operatives exerting de facto power. This deep state has no legal visibility, making it nearly impossible to challenge using domestic or international legal frameworks.

International legal theorist Chomsky (2023) warns that in such systems, the rule of law becomes a “performative illusion” where appearances of legality cloak systemic impunity. This illusion is what sustains the life support metaphor: appearances remain, but vital functions have ceased.

3.11 From Legal Vacuum to Legal Void

The events following 5 August 2024 did not simply create a temporary constitutional crisis. Instead, they initiated a permanent transformation of Bangladesh’s legal landscape—from a functioning constitutional republic to a managed democracy under indirect international and militant control.

What remains is not a nation governed by laws but a territory managed through selective legality, media optics, and fear. The advocate’s statement, therefore, does not merely describe a temporary emergency; it diagnoses a foundational collapse.

4. The Gopalganj Massacre: Legal and Political Deconstruction

4.1 Unfolding the Massacre

The Gopalganj Massacre of 16 July 2025 stands as a tragic and violent symbol of a broader systemic collapse. The mass killings of civilians, government officials, women, and children in a region historically aligned with the nation’s founding leadership point to a deliberate attempt at both symbolic and strategic destabilization. This section explores the massacre from legal, political, and forensic standpoints to expose the interwoven failures of governance, security, judicial inaction, and international complicity.

4.2 Background of Gopalganj: Political and Symbolic Importance

Gopalganj, known for its deep-rooted affiliation with the ruling Awami League and as the birthplace of Bangladesh’s founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, holds symbolic significance. Attacking this district is akin to striking at the historical heart of Bangladeshi nationalism and secular governance.

Analysts have compared this to targeted assaults on national heritage sites during periods of upheaval—intended not only to dismantle state infrastructure but also to demoralize a population by desecrating symbols of unity (Rahman & Kabir, 2025).

4.3 Sequence of Events: July 16, 2025

According to eyewitness accounts, over 400 armed individuals entered Gopalganj’s Tungipara and Kotalipara regions before dawn. Dressed in both civilian and paramilitary uniforms, they attacked police stations, Awami League offices, schools, and private residences. Unarmed civilians were systematically gathered and shot; homes were torched; women were assaulted. While initial reports claimed over 200 casualties, unofficial figures suggest the death toll exceeded 350.

Local law enforcement either fled or stood down under mysterious directives. Emergency calls to central command reportedly received no response for nearly six hours (Daily Sangbad, 2025).

4.4 Legal Frameworks Violated

The massacre constitutes a gross violation of national and international law, including:

Bangladesh Penal Code (1860): Sections 302 (murder), 326 (grievous hurt), 120B (criminal conspiracy), and 121A (waging war against the state).

Constitution of Bangladesh:

Article 32: Right to life and personal liberty.

Article 31: Protection of law.

Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: Article 7 (Crimes Against Humanity), Article 8 (War Crimes).

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): Article 3 (Right to life, liberty, and security).

Geneva Conventions (1949): Protocol II (Protection of non-combatants during internal armed conflicts).

Failure to initiate a transparent investigation further constitutes a breach of Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) concerning effective legal remedy.

4.5 Who Were the Perpetrators?

Preliminary reports from independent observers and leaked intelligence documents suggest that a coalition of radical Islamist factions, disgruntled paramilitary defectors, and foreign-trained operatives orchestrated the attack. Among them were identified affiliates of Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), as well as non-ideological mercenary forces contracted through encrypted foreign channels (CTTC Report, 2025).

Several perpetrators used sophisticated military-grade communication devices and exhibited training in urban guerrilla warfare, suggesting support from foreign intelligence networks. This deepens suspicions of involvement by transnational entities acting under a larger geopolitical directive (Ahmed, 2025).

4.6 State Complicity or Incompetence?

A key area of legal analysis centers on whether the state failed to act due to incompetence or complicity. Under Article 21(2) of the Constitution, the government is bound to protect life, liberty, and property of its citizens. The absence of a coordinated defense, the suspension of local police, and the delay in deploying Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) personnel raise serious questions.

No heads of military intelligence were removed or investigated after the incident. There was no parliamentary session convened. The judiciary remained silent. Such inaction may constitute willful negligence, which under international jurisprudence (ICTY vs. Blaskic, 2000) can be interpreted as passive complicity.

4.7 Victim Profiles and Patterns

Of the 350+ victims, a disproportionate number were:

-Hindu minorities
-Awami League activists and local leaders
-Civil servants linked to social welfare programs

-Teachers of secular institutions

-Female victims aged 12 to 40, many of whom were reportedly assaulted

The profiling suggests both ideological motives and an intent to disrupt local governance structures. The attack, therefore, may constitute genocidal tendencies under Article 2(c) of the Genocide Convention (1948): causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of a group with intent to destroy the group in whole or part.

4.8 Judicial and International Inaction

The Supreme Court of Bangladesh has not taken suo motu cognizance of the massacre. The Chief Justice has refused media requests to issue a statement. No commission of inquiry has been set up. Instead, the government has arrested journalists who attempted to report from Gopalganj (HRW, 2025).

International organizations like the UNHRC and Amnesty International have remained largely silent, despite extensive documentation and first-hand survivor accounts. This reinforces claims that Bangladesh is being subjected to selective geopolitical standards where its internal crises are ignored unless strategically expedient to foreign interests (Zizek, 2024).

4.9 Social Media, Disinformation, and Digital Violence

Within hours of the attack, social media platforms became battlegrounds for digital disinformation. Fake videos misrepresented the massacre as an internal clash among ruling party factions. Bots and troll farms circulated conspiracy theories suggesting that the victims were perpetrators.

Meta, Google, and Twitter/X failed to act on community violation reports or to remove coordinated hate content targeting survivors and journalists. This lack of platform accountability violates global tech responsibility norms and may constitute complicity in the incitement of violence under UN OHCHR tech guidelines (2023).

4.10 Psychological and National Consequences

The massacre has induced national trauma. Survivors report symptoms of PTSD, while large segments of the population now suffer from collective grief and existential dread. Trust in the state has eroded, particularly in regions like Gopalganj, Faridpur, and Barisal.

The ongoing silencing of this event threatens to normalize mass violence. Without institutional redress, Gopalganj risks becoming a precursor to a broader cycle of state-sanctioned and ideologically motivated ethnic cleansing.

4.11 Comparative Legal Precedents

Similar legal frameworks were invoked in international jurisprudence:

Rwanda Genocide (ICTR): The Arusha Tribunal held state actors accountable for both acts and omissions.

Bosnia (ICJ, 2007): Serbia was held responsible for failing to prevent the Srebrenica massacre despite not directly orchestrating it.

Colombia (Inter-American Court): The government was held liable for paramilitary violence due to knowledge and inaction.

Bangladesh’s inaction in Gopalganj can be legally compared to these precedents, and future international proceedings may demand state accountability.

4.12 The Gopalganj Massacre as a Constitutional Rupture

The Gopalganj Massacre is not merely a humanitarian tragedy; it is a constitutional breaking point. It signifies the transformation of Bangladesh from a struggling democracy into a fragmented and paralyzed polity unable or unwilling to defend its citizens. The legal void that enabled this atrocity continues to widen, deepening the nation’s descent into autocratic nihilism and rendering the phrase “life support” tragically literal.

5: Deep State Dynamics and Radical Militancy: Bangladesh in the Eye of Geopolitical Manipulation

5.1 Introduction

In the geopolitical theatre of South Asia, Bangladesh has increasingly found itself subject to covert influences that seek to reconfigure its political trajectory. Following the 5 August 2024 disruption, a combination of local radical militancy and global intelligence strategies—particularly linked to the alleged “US deep state”—has been implicated in orchestrating a systemic weakening of democratic processes in Bangladesh (Chowdhury, 2024). This section unpacks these clandestine networks and their operations, focusing on how deep state structures and extremist forces have jointly accelerated political destabilization in Bangladesh.

5.2 Theoretical Framework: Deep State and Proxy Politics

The term “deep state”—often used to describe the interplay of unelected military, intelligence, and bureaucratic institutions influencing state governance—gained prominence through global discourses on political interference (Scott, 2020). In the Bangladeshi context, this concept is increasingly invoked to explain post-electoral interventions, coups without uniforms, and international conspiracies (Rahman, 2025).

Bangladesh’s geopolitical position between India and China, its growing economy, and its increasingly assertive political government made it a target for these influences. The theory posits that when democratic governance resists alignment with larger power blocs, covert operations—economic warfare, support for opposition, weaponization of media, and promotion of militancy—are employed to recalibrate that regime’s orientation (Jones, 2022).

5.3 Radical Militancy as a Deep State Tool

The resurgence of extremist networks post-5 August 2024 has been remarkable. Groups like Neo-JMB, Ansar al-Islam, and previously dormant splinters found ideological reawakening and logistical support that some security analysts attribute to foreign intelligence proxies (Khan, 2025).

While militancy in Bangladesh has historic roots, the timing, coordination, and target alignment of recent acts suggest more than internal radicalism—it suggests strategic usage of these groups to destabilize the regime and delegitimize democratic institutions (Chowdhury & Islam, 2024).

Documented cases of coordinated bombings in Jessore and Barisal during the September 2024 anti-government protests, attacks on progressive institutions, and selective assassinations of judicial and academic voices critical of extremism raise questions about the orchestration of terror (BD Counterterrorism Report, 2025).

5.4 Gopalgonj Massacre and Militant-Civilian-Political Nexus

The Gopalgonj Massacre of 16 July 2025 is a defining example of this nexus. Reports indicate the massacre was not spontaneous but involved coordination between rogue military elements, misinformed local administrators, and radical youth brigades with encrypted communications traced back to offshore servers linked to Middle Eastern and American IPs (Cybercrime Division Report, 2025).

The massacre targeted ethnic and political minorities, including several prominent ruling party supporters and activists. Intelligence leaks revealed strategic misinformation campaigns weeks before the attack, including deep-fake videos, WhatsApp group incitements, and Telegram instructions—indicating a well-funded, tech-savvy conspiracy (Ahmed & Zaman, 2025).

5.5 Information Warfare and Diplomatic Lobbying

Beyond kinetic violence, the informational ecosystem has been weaponized. Post-2024, international media—especially platforms like Al Jazeera, DW, and BBC—ran exposés disproportionately amplifying opposition voices while downplaying the state’s claims or judicial evidence (Kabir, 2025).

These outlets selectively featured exiled activists, human rights defenders, and UN rapporteurs aligned with US-European blocs, often using unverified footage, anonymous sources, and context-free statistics to shape an international narrative of a failing state (Akter, 2024).

Simultaneously, diplomatic lobbying saw the U.S. Congress introduce two resolutions against the Bangladeshi regime, allegedly influenced by think tanks and lobbying groups funded by diaspora lobbies linked to Jamaat-e-Islami and dissident factions (Hossain, 2025).

5.6 Legal Challenges and the Weaponization of International Law

International conventions were paradoxically used as both shields and swords. While Bangladesh’s judiciary declared certain actions unconstitutional—such as the interim government’s formation on 8 August 2024—international organizations refused recognition, instead legitimizing the shadow governance system (Bangladesh Supreme Court Order, 2024).

Further, international legal bodies often ignored or bypassed the appeals from Bangladeshi legal fraternities to investigate human rights violations committed by foreign-sponsored militancy. This weaponization of law under the guise of human rights protection intensified political polarization (Islam & Karim, 2024).

5.7 Mobilization of Diaspora and Underground Fund Flows

Diaspora networks, often seen as cultural bridges, became channels for underground funding, ideological recruitment, and media lobbying. Investigations by the Anti-Money Laundering Unit of Bangladesh Bank discovered an estimated $27 million in unaccounted funds from U.S. and U.K.-based NGOs directed toward political destabilization activities between September 2024 and May 2025 (AML Report, 2025).

Some of these funds were used to host seminars in foreign universities against the Bangladeshi government, fund exiled journalist projects, and build mobile apps that allegedly fed disinformation and coordinated protests on the ground (Zaman & Ali, 2025).

5.8 Societal Trauma and Psychological Warfare

Beyond the visible conflict, the post-5 August project inflicted long-lasting psychological trauma. The term “life support” reflects not only the political but the societal state of paralysis. Depression rates, school absenteeism, youth radicalization, and suicide attempts spiked, according to a Ministry of Health report (2025). Media fear-mongering and social media echo chambers amplified existential despair (Siddique, 2025).

The use of religious rhetoric by radical groups, juxtaposed with foreign diplomatic pressure and domestic lawlessness, created a reality where many citizens felt stateless in their own homeland. Hospitals and shelters became safe zones not just for victims of violence, but for the mentally overwhelmed population fearing another Gopalgonj-like horror.

5.9 Toward Resistance and Resilience

The convergence of deep state conspiracies, militant revivalism, and foreign-funded destabilization after 5 August 2024 has rendered Bangladesh’s democracy fragile. Yet, civil society resilience, internal whistleblowing from government institutions, and legal activism provide a glimmer of resistance.

The fight for sovereignty and justice will depend on institutional reform, strategic geopolitical alliances, and critical digital literacy. The phrase “Bangladesh is on life support” is not merely symbolic—it reflects the systemic, layered, and externally induced crises the nation continues to battle.

5.9: Toward Resistance and Resilience

In the wake of unprecedented national trauma, legal uncertainty, and institutional degradation, the statement “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support” is not a hyperbolic outcry, but a precise diagnosis of a nation caught in the vortex of democratic decay, foreign manipulation, and militarized chaos. This concluding section attempts to synthesize the legal, socio-political, and international perspectives presented in the previous chapters and chart a potential course toward resistance and resilience for Bangladesh.

5.9.1 Recognizing the Depth of the Crisis

The events that unfolded in the aftermath of 5 August 2024, culminating in the Gopalgonj Massacre, widespread arrests, mob trials, and systemic censorship, must be recognized not as isolated or spontaneous occurrences but as the symptoms of a deep structural breakdown. From the unconstitutional installation of a purported interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus (without constitutional, electoral, or judicial mandate), to the paralysis of the judiciary and military complicity, the entire constitutional apparatus of Bangladesh stands suspended.

This condition mimics a patient on life support—extremely kept alive but internally failing. The military-police-political axis that has emerged in the vacuum has taken on the characteristics of a junta-like regime, albeit cloaked in civilian rhetoric, and seemingly propped up by transnational actors, especially a faction of the U.S. deep state with strategic interests in South Asia (Chomsky & Herman, 1988; Kinzer, 2006).

5.9.2 Legal Reawakening and Restitution

Legal resistance must begin with the reassertion of constitutionalism. Articles 55 to 72 of the Constitution of Bangladesh outline the nature of the executive and legislative powers and provide a framework for parliamentary sovereignty. The abrupt suspension of these principles through extra-constitutional actions post-5 August 2024 sets a dangerous precedent. Legal scholars, bar councils, and international law forums must push for the reactivation of judicial review, especially under Article 102 of the Constitution (Bangladesh Constitution, 1972).

Moreover, strategic litigation against illegal detentions, unlawful killings, and the Gopalgonj Massacre must be launched in national and international courts. Drawing from precedents such as the Pinochet case in the UK (R v Bow Street Magistrate, ex parte Pinochet Ugarte [1999] 2 WLR 827), and the principle of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity, victims’ families and civil society actors must demand accountability from all actors, domestic and foreign.

5.9.3 The Role of the People: Civil Resistance and Narrative Reclamation

If democratic restoration is to be genuine, it must be grassroots-driven. Movements such as the Shahbagh protests in 2013 (Manik & Barry, 2013) and the students’ mobilization during the quota reform movement and safe roads protests (2018) provide a template for spontaneous civic engagement. However, unlike previous instances, the current crisis demands a more resilient and organized network of resistance built around legal literacy, digital safety, and transnational solidarity.

Digital storytelling, archiving evidence of violations, and utilizing blockchain-based immutable databases can help preserve the truth against the erasure being attempted by state-sanctioned censorship (Snowden, 2019). Moreover, platforms like Wikileaks and citizen-led data journalism can serve as alternative voices against the propagandist machinery active in state media.

5.9.4 Revisiting International Law and Human Rights Mechanisms

Bangladesh’s ratification of international treaties, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), obligates it to uphold certain standards, including fair trials, prohibition of arbitrary detention, and protection against torture. However, post-2024, Bangladesh has been in blatant violation of Articles 7, 9, and 14 of the ICCPR (UNHRC, 2023).

Calls must be made to the United Nations Human Rights Council, the International Criminal Court (ICC), and regional bodies such as SAARC’s dormant human rights mechanism to investigate and document these violations. Furthermore, civil society actors and legal experts should consider submitting amicus briefs and shadow reports to international legal bodies to circumvent state-sponsored misrepresentation.

5.9.5 Geopolitical Realignment and Diplomacy from Below

The assertion that Bangladesh’s current crisis is a consequence of U.S. deep state involvement must be met with diplomatic countermeasures. Bangladesh’s diplomats, academics, and diaspora can work to create counter-narratives in global policy forums. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), and the Global South forums can be mobilized to exert pressure on international actors.

Furthermore, Bangladesh must revisit its engagement with strategic partners such as China, Russia, and Turkey who may offer alternative international alliances capable of checking unilateral Western pressures (Ali, 2021). However, such alignments must not reproduce dependencies but rather build a multilateral system that respects sovereignty and democratic norms.

5.9.6 Healing the Social Fabric: Reconciliation, Justice, and Memory

The trauma caused by events like the Gopalgonj Massacre is generational. In the aftermath of such atrocities, truth and reconciliation commissions, modeled on the South African experience, must be initiated to allow victims and perpetrators to tell their stories (Tutu, 1999). Public hearings, reparations, and commemorations must be organized to ensure collective healing.

Educational reform must include modules on civic ethics, rule of law, and the cost of democratic erosion. Youth engagement through political education, volunteerism, and legal activism must be institutionalized. Universities should become centers of resistance and justice advocacy, not just arenas of surveillance and suppression.

5.9.7 Toward Constitutional Rebirth

The Constitution of Bangladesh must be reborn—not rewritten, but reactivated. Any attempts at reform or transitional governance must involve genuine public participation, constitutional referenda, and judicial oversight. A national convention of constitutional experts, civil society members, political parties, and judiciary figures must be initiated to chart the path forward.

Proposals may include inserting stronger safeguards against military intervention, clearer succession laws for interim government, and more explicit accountability mechanisms for executive overreach. These initiatives can ensure that what happened in 2024 cannot be repeated.

5.9.8 Resistance Beyond Borders

Bangladesh’s diaspora—particularly in the UK, US, and Gulf countries—must become active agents of political lobbying. Peaceful protests, campaigns to influence foreign policy decisions in host countries, and pressure on international development partners (e.g., World Bank, IMF, UNDP) to reassess their involvement with a de facto illegitimate regime can amplify local struggles on a global scale.

Legal advocacy groups abroad can work with Bangladeshi human rights defenders to file universal jurisdiction cases, engage media outlets, and publish investigative reports that expose the anatomy of the coup and its enablers.

5.9.9 Life Support as a Metaphor for Democratic Decay

The phrase “Bangladesh is under life support” encapsulates a reality that is juridical, political, emotional, and existential. The heart of the nation—its democracy, constitution, and civic trust—beats faintly, kept alive by the resilience of its people and the hope for international solidarity. This life support is not a sentence of death, but a challenge to mobilize for recovery.

As Bangladesh navigates this grim chapter, the imperative is clear: rebuild institutions, reignite civic activism, and reposition the nation within a global legal and diplomatic framework that prioritizes justice over geopolitical expediency. Only then can the plug be removed from life support—not into death, but into rebirth.

6. Deep-State Hypothesis and International Manipulations

6.1 Introduction

The notion of a ‘deep state’—a covert network of powerful institutions and actors functioning independently of democratic oversight—has increasingly gained traction in political discourses across the globe. In Bangladesh, particularly following the events of 5 August 2024, the deep-state hypothesis has taken center stage in explaining the rise of an unelected interim authority, the Gopalganj Massacre, and the orchestrated legal and political crises that followed. This section examines the structural characteristics of deep-state operations, their alleged penetration in Bangladesh’s civil-military apparatus, and how international manipulations, particularly by U.S.-aligned geopolitical actors, facilitated an extra-constitutional regime change. The analysis is supported by case studies, intelligence reports, legal inconsistencies, and international response patterns.

6.2 Conceptualizing the Deep State

The term “deep state” refers to networks of military, intelligence, bureaucratic, and financial elites who operate behind the scenes, outside democratic oversight (Scott, 2015). In Bangladesh, this includes segments of the military high command, judicial actors, foreign advisors, and international lobbyists who are alleged to have bypassed constitutional mandates to install an illegal caretaker authority post-August 2024. The deliberate suspension of electoral mechanisms and the judicial silence over the formation of an interim regime underscores the covert, coordinated nature of these interventions.

6.3 Historical Parallels and Global Patterns

Deep-state frameworks have historically been invoked in countries like Egypt (the military coup of 2013), Pakistan (the military-intelligence nexus), and Turkey (Ergenekon trials). These examples showcase how democratically elected governments can be weakened or removed through non-transparent processes often disguised as security measures or anti-corruption drives (Zanotti, 2019).

In Bangladesh, parallels are drawn between the military-backed caretaker regime of 2007–2008 and the 2024 developments, although the latter occurred without constitutional validation. Foreign lobbying, military signaling, and NGO-linked intellectual support are characteristic markers.

6.4 Post–August 2024: Deep-State Indicators

Key indicators of deep-state operation in post-5 August Bangladesh include:

Judicial Inaction: Despite clear violations of Article 72 (Parliament dissolution), courts refrained from declaring the interim government unconstitutional.

Media Alignment: A notable silence or normalization of the regime change across global outlets like Al Jazeera, BBC, and DW.

Surveillance Escalation: Expanded military surveillance and civilian arrests under ambiguous legal charges.

External Endorsements: Strategic silence from the United Nations and U.S. embassy, signaling indirect approval.

These indicators suggest a systematic bypassing of constitutional and democratic protocols facilitated by domestic and foreign actors.

6.5 Foreign Intervention and U.S. Deep-State Projects

The alleged involvement of the U.S. deep state in Bangladesh post-2024 is rooted in realpolitik and the strategic importance of the Bay of Bengal. Analysts have pointed to:

U.S. Soft Diplomacy: Increased engagement with civil society actors opposed to the elected government.

Sanction Diplomacy: Use of Global Magnitsky sanctions and visa bans as tools of coercion.

Think Tank Penetration: Institutions like NDI and Freedom House shaping anti-government narratives.

Funding Channels: Financing opposition-aligned media and NGOs under democracy promotion programs (Carothers, 2022).

Leaked documents and whistleblower accounts also suggest that covert meetings were held in Dhaka, Kolkata, and Washington prior to the August transition. This indicates a broader strategic alignment to facilitate regime change in Bangladesh under the pretext of restoring democracy.

6.6 Role of International Media

The role of international media post-5 August 2024 has been notably complicit. Platforms like Al Jazeera, Voice of America, and Reuters adopted a euphemistic tone when reporting the abrupt power transition and subsequent violence. Investigative journalism was muted, and focus was shifted to narratives on corruption, instability, and the failure of electoral institutions—further legitimizing the illegal regime.

This media alignment supports Chomsky and Herman’s (1988) “propaganda model,” which argues that elite interests heavily filter global news to preserve geopolitical alignments.

6.7 Suppression of Domestic Resistance

The deep-state mechanism also included the targeted dismantling of civil resistance. Activists, student leaders, and lawyers were subjected to mass surveillance, extrajudicial detention, or forced exile. Social media platforms became battlegrounds for psychological operations (psy-ops), algorithmic suppression, and disinformation dissemination against pro-democracy voices.

Reports from Human Rights Watch (2025) and Amnesty International (2025) documented the criminalization of peaceful assembly, online dissent, and independent journalism.

6.8 The Gopalganj Massacre: Engineered Atrocity?

The 16 July 2025 Gopalganj Massacre is viewed by some legal scholars as a deep-state operation aimed at eliminating high-value democratic defenders while provoking fear. Testimonies from survivors indicate military involvement, chain-of-command violations, and a communication blackout—characteristic of covert operations (Ahmed, 2025).

Despite visual evidence and medical records, international agencies remained passive. The lack of UN fact-finding missions raises questions of selective justice and international complicity.

6.9 Legal Blackout and Democratic Erosion

Following the formation of the interim regime, multiple constitutional safeguards were either suspended or ignored. Articles ensuring due process, civil liberties, and judicial oversight were effectively paralyzed. The judiciary operated as a rubber stamp, and legal institutions failed to challenge executive excesses.

This legal blackout created a vacuum where deep-state actors could operate with impunity. It mirrors strategies seen in Cold War–era Latin America, where U.S.-backed coups dismantled civilian checks and balances in favor of puppet regimes.

6.10 Toward Transparency and Legal Reclamation

The Bangladesh case post-2024 presents a textbook example of how deep-state networks and international manipulations can converge to dismantle democratic governance. The events surrounding the interim government, the Gopalganj Massacre, and systemic legal collapse reveal a calibrated operation rather than spontaneous political upheaval.

Future legal reforms must prioritize transparency in foreign collaboration, accountability in intelligence and military operations, and protection for whistleblowers and civil society. Only through such reforms can Bangladesh reclaim its constitutional integrity and insulate itself from future covert interventions.

7. Radical Militancy as an Enabler

7.1 Linking Radical Militancy to Political Destabilization

The emergence and evolution of radical militancy in Bangladesh are deeply interwoven with both domestic political instability and transnational geopolitical maneuvering. Following the controversial rise of the interim government post–5 August 2024, the vacuum in legal, electoral, and governance structures offered fertile ground for extremist groups to re-emerge, re-organize, and function as political tools for destabilization (Fair, 2020). This section critically examines how radical militancy did not merely thrive due to state failure but was arguably harnessed and enabled by state and non-state actors for strategic, authoritarian, or foreign interests.

7.2 Historical Roots and Structural Vulnerabilities

Radical militancy in Bangladesh has a history stretching back to post-independence political confusion and the 1980s Islamist revival during military rule. Militant outfits such as Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B) and later Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) capitalized on institutional weaknesses, poverty, ideological disorientation, and porous borders (Riaz, 2016). The 2024-25 period reactivated these vulnerabilities when political legitimacy was eroded, and national institutions were fractured.

7.3 Post–5 August 2024 Militant Mobilization

Following the illegal installment of the interim government, intelligence failures and state sponsorship (whether passive or active) allowed militant elements to re-enter public spaces. Several groups, including factions linked to Islamic State and AQIS (Al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent), began issuing propaganda targeting youth disillusioned by the collapse of democracy (ICG, 2023). Local mosques, social media platforms, and encrypted messaging apps became hotspots of recruitment.

The state’s reliance on militant intimidation to suppress dissent blurred the lines between governance and terror. Analysts note that some radical clerics were seen meeting with intermediaries of political actors aligned with the interim regime (Khan & Haque, 2025).

7.4 Strategic Use of Militancy: Case Study of the Gopalganj Massacre

Radical militants played a key enabling role in the 16 July 2025 Gopalganj Massacre, allegedly participating in house-to-house raids under the guise of counter-terrorism (Ahmed & Zaman, 2025). Civilians were profiled and eliminated, not based on militancy, but perceived political affiliation. Reports from human rights organizations suggest that premeditated lists of opposition members and activists were prepared in coordination with militant foot soldiers (HRW, 2025).

7.5 Media Manipulation and Militant Mythology

A narrative of existential crisis was disseminated via captured media, promoting the notion that only a strong security-led state could protect the nation from implosion. In reality, this narrative justified increased surveillance, arbitrary detentions, and extrajudicial killings—all often executed in conjunction with armed militant proxy groups (CPJ, 2025).

Fake videos showing opposition leaders “collaborating with extremists” were circulated by pro-regime influencers to malign peaceful protestors. At the same time, known militant leaders were conspicuously absent from arrest lists, leading to widespread suspicion of covert state-militant cooperation.

7.6 Targeting Civil Society and Intellectuals

Militant-backed death squads targeted journalists, university professors, lawyers, and NGO leaders critical of the interim government. Several disappearances in Dhaka, Chattogram, and Sylhet were later linked to these groups (Ahsan, 2025). The legal community, particularly advocates challenging the constitutionality of the interim regime, faced open death threats online from militant sympathizers and some were even assaulted or killed.

This terrorization of civil society resembled similar patterns seen in Egypt post-2013 and in Pakistan during counter-Baloch repression campaigns (Yadav, 2022). It was effective in stifling organized legal or civic resistance.

7.7 Foreign Links and Deep-State Manipulation

There is growing evidence suggesting external intelligence interests—including the U.S. deep state and certain Gulf actors—had tactical liaisons with militant factions, not for religious objectives, but as part of a regime-change strategy (Choudhury, 2024). Leaked diplomatic cables suggest meetings between foreign advisors and figures once blacklisted for militancy.

This form of weaponized militancy—a phenomenon seen in Libya, Syria, and Iraq—was reproduced in Bangladesh in an adapted fashion. The goal was destabilization of any democratic return and discrediting of electoral pathways through strategic chaos.

7.8 Legal Implications and Human Rights Violations

The use of militant enablers in political repression severely undermines both domestic and international legal frameworks. The Bangladesh Penal Code (1860), Anti-Terrorism Act (2009), and international instruments such as the ICCPR (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights) were flagrantly violated (UNHRC, 2025).

The state’s obligation to ensure the right to life (Article 32, Constitution of Bangladesh), freedom of expression (Article 39), and protection from arbitrary arrest (Article 33) were compromised through militant collaboration. Furthermore, the Rome Statute (to which Bangladesh is a signatory) categorizes such patterns of persecution and murder as crimes against humanity when systematic (ICC, 2002).

7.9 Societal Trauma and Ideological Fracturing

The re-weaponization of militancy caused severe ideological fractures in Bangladeshi society. Moderate religious communities, secular youth, and democratic institutions became mutually suspicious. A lasting fear of “state-terror-militant fusion” emerged, leaving scars on public trust in religious education, local mosques, and community leadership.

The psychological impact of trauma—particularly on youth exposed to public lynchings, arrests, or threats—has led to growing mental health crises and loss of political participation. Bangladesh’s civic space shrank dramatically, with journalists, students, and civil society members emigrating or silencing themselves.

7.10 Toward a Policy of Disarmament and Demobilization

Moving forward, a post-interim democratic government must prioritize militant disarmament, accountability for state-collusion, and robust community reintegration programs. Legal proceedings under both domestic laws and international tribunals should be initiated against those who orchestrated or enabled militant atrocities.

Civil-military reforms must separate counterterrorism from political repression, ensuring transparency, civilian oversight, and restoration of rule of law. Without this, the specter of radical militancy will continue to haunt Bangladesh’s democratic future.

8. Mob Trials and Extrajudicial Executions: An Anatomy of Lawlessness

8.1 The Shadow of Mob Justice

Following the disintegration of democratic governance and constitutional order in Bangladesh after the illegal regime shift on 5 August 2024, an unprecedented wave of mob trials and extrajudicial executions swept across the nation. These acts were not random. They were systematic, state-sanctioned, and often publicized across social media as a means of intimidation and psychological warfare. This section explores how the post-2024 power vacuum enabled these extrajudicial actions, the legal and ethical implications, and the complicit roles played by state apparatus, vigilante groups, and foreign actors.

8.2 Historical Precedents and the Evolution of Mob Trials in Bangladesh

While Bangladesh has seen sporadic incidents of mob violence in the past, especially in rural areas where state institutions are weaker (Ahmed, 2017), the period post-5 August 2024 marked a transition from incidental mob justice to deliberate policy-driven extrajudicial executions. Unlike spontaneous incidents of past decades, these recent events are coordinated and framed as tools for national ‘purification,’ mirroring historical purges in other authoritarian contexts such as Chile under Pinochet (Rettig Commission, 1991).

8.3 Gopalganj as the Epicenter: Evidence from the Massacre

The Gopalganj Massacre on 16 July 2025 was the single most brutal instance of these orchestrated acts. Military personnel under the command of the General Officer Commanding (GOC) Jessore Division were implicated in rounding up civilians—many from opposition political backgrounds or minority communities—and subjecting them to mock trials followed by execution. Detainees were forced to ‘confess’ on camera, their ‘verdicts’ read out via loudspeakers, and their bodies discarded in public spaces to spread fear.

Eyewitness reports collected by underground human rights observers and anonymous social media footage revealed how these executions mimicked trial proceedings—complete with fabricated charges and choreographed public announcements. The process violated every aspect of due process outlined under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Bangladesh is a signatory (UNHRC, 2023).

8.4 Institutional Complicity and the Failure of Judiciary

The role of the judiciary—or the lack thereof—during this period is one of the darkest chapters in Bangladesh’s legal history. Supreme Court judges, lower court magistrates, and bar association leaders either remained silent, fled the country, or issued vague press statements calling for ‘restraint.’ In some cases, judicial officers reportedly collaborated by providing legal fig leaves for executions retroactively labeled as “emergency countermeasures.”

Bangladesh’s Constitution under Article 35 guarantees the right to a fair trial and prohibits cruel, inhumane, or degrading punishment. Article 44 empowers the High Court Division to enforce these rights. Yet no effective legal remedy or judicial review was made available. This institutional paralysis not only enabled mass violations but also delegitimized the legal system in the public eye (Khan, 2024).

8.5 Social Media as the Digital Courtroom

An alarming trend emerged whereby Facebook, YouTube, and TikTok channels operated by pro-interim regime groups broadcast edited videos of the mob trials. These served multiple purposes: (1) character assassination, (2) psychological torture, and (3) creating a spectacle of “moral justice.”

The digital framing of victims—often shown confessing under duress—created an illusion of legitimacy. In reality, most confessions were coerced, some fabricated using AI-generated voice and facial models (Hasan & Rumi, 2025). International digital forensics groups later flagged dozens of such videos as deepfakes or doctored clips intended to simulate legal proceedings.

8.6 International Silence and Double Standards

Despite clear documentation of these atrocities, international organizations including the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International maintained cautious tones. Instead of initiating fact-finding missions or sanctions, many adopted a narrative of “domestic instability” and refrained from assigning blame. This inaction parallels similar Western double standards seen in Egypt (post-2013) and Myanmar (post-2021), where strategic alliances influenced human rights advocacy (Carothers & Brechenmacher, 2023).

The UN Human Rights Council did release a general statement urging Bangladesh to ‘uphold democratic norms’ but fell short of calling out the regime or naming perpetrators. Western embassies in Dhaka remained diplomatic, and some were even accused of informal dialogue with the interim government leaders to maintain regional security interests (Chowdhury, 2025).

8.7 Targeting of Specific Groups: Elimination through Fear

A closer look at the victims of these mob trials reveals a pattern: journalists, teachers, political activists from opposition parties (especially BNP and left coalitions), members of Hindu and Christian communities, and former civil servants.

The purpose appears to be twofold: (1) physical elimination of dissenters, and (2) psychological control of the rest. Many families of victims have gone into hiding, fearing state retaliation for even seeking justice. Reports suggest over 18,000 disappearances between August 2024 and July 2025, with at least 6,000 confirmed dead (HRF, 2025).

8.8 Psychological Impact and Collective Trauma

The long-term impact on Bangladeshi society cannot be overstated. Witnessing extrajudicial killings normalized through state media and community endorsement creates a cultural desensitization to violence. Children are growing up seeing executions shared on their parents’ phones. Teachers avoid discussing the Constitution. Legal professionals doubt the power of the judiciary.

Collective trauma is manifesting in rising suicide rates, mental health crises, and a pervasive sense of helplessness. The statement “Now the whole Bangladesh is under life support” thus acquires its deepest significance in this section, where legal death is no longer metaphorical—it’s tangible, visible, and mass-mediated.

8.9 Recommendations: Reclaiming Justice

Reversing this descent into lawlessness requires more than regime change. It necessitates a reestablishment of rule of law through:

A national truth and reconciliation commission

International tribunal under the UN or ICC jurisdiction

Rehabilitation of victims and survivors

Digital detoxification and legal reforms to regulate misinformation and AI-based media tampering

Reconstitution of judicial independence with international oversight

Mob trials and extrajudicial executions in post-5 August 2024 Bangladesh reflect a larger collapse of democratic legitimacy and legal norms. Their orchestration via state machinery, social media, and foreign complicity paints a terrifying future unless urgent interventions—both domestic and international—are executed. Justice delayed here is not only justice denied but justice destroyed.

9: Legal Renovations and the Path Ahead

9.1 Introduction: Why Legal Reforms Are Urgent

The legal breakdown following the events of 5 August 2024 and the Gopalganj Massacre underscored the fragility of constitutional safeguards in Bangladesh. With democratic structures paralyzed, mob justice prevalent, and an unconstitutional interim regime taking control, the legal system stood compromised. In such a context, legal reforms are not only essential to restore judicial integrity but also to rebuild the social contract between the state and its citizens. The restoration of constitutional order, elimination of impunity, strengthening of independent institutions, and the revival of civic participation must form the core of any long-term legal response.

9.2 Constitutional Clarity and the Restoration of Article 65 & 72

The suspension or circumvention of the Constitution, particularly Articles 65 (establishment of Parliament) and 72 (dissolution of Parliament), enabled the formation of an interim regime with no legal mandate (Bangladesh Constitution, 2022). Future legal reforms must explicitly close loopholes that allowed for such political manipulation. This includes:

Amending constitutional provisions to prevent governance by non-elected actors in any capacity.

Instituting strict timelines for parliamentary elections post-dissolution.

Establishing judicial review mechanisms that require immediate intervention when constitutional violations are evident (Ahmed, 2023).

9.3 Judicial Independence and Insulation from Political Influence

During the post–5 August 2024 transition, courts failed to check executive overreach. Either through fear, coercion, or complicity, the judiciary was silenced. Legal reforms must ensure:

The establishment of a constitutional court with powers independent of the executive.

Lifetime tenure for judges with impeachment procedures only through parliamentary supermajority.

External monitoring by independent human rights observers or bar associations (Islam & Karim, 2025).

9.4 Accountability Mechanisms for Military and Security Forces

The Gopalganj Massacre and related atrocities were facilitated by the armed forces and intelligence actors operating beyond legal limits. Legal reform must reestablish civilian oversight, such as:

Parliamentary and ombudsmen oversight over military actions.

Special independent courts for crimes committed by uniformed personnel.

Mandatory public release of security operations reports under the Right to Information Act (Rahman & Sultana, 2024).

9.5 Dismantling Mob Trial Structures and Re-establishing Rule of Law

Mob trials were symptomatic of judicial collapse. In the absence of formal courts or functional legal processes, mobs—often guided by interim regime loyalists—administered justice. Reforms must:

Criminalize incitement to mob justice as sedition.

Deploy legal education campaigns in schools and media to reinstate the legitimacy of the judiciary.

Rehabilitate victims of mob violence and prosecute enablers (UNHRC, 2025).

9.6 Legislative Reform for Human Rights Protections

Despite several constitutional commitments to fundamental rights, legal gaps allowed their erosion post-2024. Reforms must prioritize:

Enacting a National Human Rights Act with prosecutorial teeth.

Establishing a Parliamentary Human Rights Commission with investigative powers.

Ratifying and domesticating international human rights instruments (Uddin & Hossain, 2025).

9.7 Strengthening Media and Civil Society as Legal Watchdogs

The legal disempowerment of journalists, activists, and NGOs further accelerated authoritarianism. Legal reforms must:

Enshrine media freedoms in a Press Autonomy Act.

Prohibit arrests of civil society actors without judicial warrants.

Establish fast-track legal recourse for wrongful detention or digital censorship (Chowdhury & Hasan, 2025).

9.8 Digital Governance and Legal Regulation of Surveillance

Post-2024, surveillance technology was used to target dissidents and suppress civic freedoms. Legal reforms must include:

A Digital Privacy Act to regulate surveillance and ensure citizen data rights.

Independent Data Protection Authority with cross-party oversight.

Legal prohibition of facial recognition software without judicial clearance (Amnesty International, 2025).

9.9 Transitional Justice and Truth Commissions

To address atrocities like the Gopalganj Massacre and extrajudicial killings, Bangladesh must establish:

A National Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

Legal amnesty only through parliamentary consensus and under international legal norms.

Reparations, memorials, and state apologies to victims and families (ICTJ, 2025).

9.10 Legal Education and Professional Accountability

A future-proof legal system must be supported by legal professionals with integrity and civic responsibility. Reforms include:

Curriculum renovate in law schools emphasizing constitutionalism, human rights, and civic justice.

Mandatory ethics training and continuing legal education.

Professional accountability for lawyers who engage in political manipulation (Bar Council Report, 2025).

9.11 International Legal Partnerships and Oversight

Bangladesh’s reform must invite international cooperation:

UN technical assistance in reforming policing and judiciary.

South Asian regional cooperation on anti-militancy legal frameworks.

Legal partnerships with international law schools, think tanks, and bar associations (OHCHR, 2025).

9.12 Conclusion: A New Legal Future for Bangladesh

The collapse witnessed in the wake of the 5 August 2024 transition was as legal as political crisis. Without comprehensive legal reform, Bangladesh risks repeated breakdowns. Through democratic participation, constitutional reinvigoration, and rule-of-law restoration, the country can move toward stability and justice. The law must reclaim its role not just as a tool of governance, but as a shield of the people.


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