In a brazen display of denial and historical revisionism, outgoing Information and Broadcasting Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan has falsely claimed that no journalists were jailed for expressing opinions during the 18-month tenure of the interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus.
This assertion not only crumbles under factual scrutiny but also exemplifies the fascist tendencies and mob-driven rule—or mobocracy—that characterised the regime’s approach to media suppression. By weaponising state institutions, shielding attackers, and fostering an environment of intimidation, the Yunus administration systematically dismantled press freedom, turning Bangladesh into a graveyard for journalistic integrity.
Drawing from documented reports by organisations like Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) and firsthand accounts, this article condemns Rizwana and her regime for orchestrating a reign of terror against the media, backed by alarming statistics that reveal a deliberate campaign of repression.
Rizwana’s False Claim Exposed
Senior journalist Monjurul Alam Panna has publicly challenged Rizwana’s statement, tagging jailed colleague Anis Alamgir on Facebook and demanding transparency.
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Rizwana asserted: “During the interim government’s time, no journalist had to go to jail for expressing opinions. Journalists Anis Alamgir and Monjurul Alam Panna did not have to go to jail for expressing opinions. The state machinery surely had different information. Not all information can be disclosed at all times.”
Panna retorted: “I challenge Rizwana Hasan. What is that secret information against us? If you have the courage, disclose it. You’ve resorted to lies until the very end, leaving like thieves. Just wait for the number of cases against you. Those certainly won’t rely on lies.”
This exchange underscores the regime’s hypocrisy. Rizwana, daughter of Syed Mahibul Hasan—a Muslim League leader and collaborator during the 1971 Liberation War—has been accused of strengthening ties with Pakistan since August 2024. Her father later joined the BNP and served as a minister under Ziaur Rahman. Similarly, Yunus’ father, Dula Mia Saudagar, was a Muslim League leader and razakar in 1971.
Such lineages raise questions about the regime’s ideological leanings, which critics argue fueled a fascist crackdown on dissent, including media voices critical of its pro-Pakistan tilt and authoritarian policies. She is also accused of abusing power and taking bribes from development projects, Awami League leaders seeking bail, and the looting of the Sada Pathor quarry.
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Senior journalist Masood Kamal reacted sharply. In a video released on Monday, he said: “I found this very surprising. Why did she say such a thing?
“Actually, her words are correct in one respect. For example, suppose 10 people died in an incident. They went to war and were shot. Now you said, in this war, no one died from a gunshot to the eye. Everyone may have been shot in the chest or head. Grammatically, this is completely correct—no one died from a gunshot to the eye.
“In the same way, Rizwana says, no journalist has had to go to jail for expressing his opinion. I mean, for expressing his opinion, he can be harassed, a case can be filed, he can be beaten up, and his legs can be broken—but he should not go to jail. This is correct in one respect.”
He added that the people of this country are not so stupid. They understand—if Anis Alamgir had not spoken at talk shows, had not criticised the government severely, then he would not have been arrested.
“I know the Panna incident. He went to a program—a program of freedom fighters, a discussion on the constitution. As a spectator or to participate in a round table. Shibir-type people mob there. The police went and took them to the police station in the name of rescuing them and kept them there for 12 hours. At midnight, they got a call from above – a case has to be filed. Then a case was filed under the Anti-Terrorism Act. Those who committed terrorist acts were not harmed. Those who were attacked were charged with terrorist cases.”
Alarming Statistics
The Yunus regime’s record on press freedom is a damning indictment of fascism, where state power merged with mob violence to silence opposition. According to human rights organisation ASK’s 2025 annual report, at least 381 journalists faced abuse and harassment nationwide. This includes:
– 23 journalists abused, harassed, or threatened by law enforcement agencies.
– 20 journalists receiving death threats.
– 123 facing legal cases over published reports or opinions.
– 118 directly attacked while performing duties.
– 3 journalists killed by miscreants.
– Bodies of 4 others recovered under mysterious circumstances.
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Geographically, Dhaka saw the highest number of incidents (92), followed by Chattogram (53), Rangpur (21), Cumilla (21), Gazipur (20), and Barishal (12), with 162 more across other districts.
Broader data reveals even more repression since August 2024:
– 184 journalists’ accreditations revoked.
– 354 journalists implicated in cases described as fabricated.
– 18 arrested on false murder charges.
– 523 incidents of journalist persecution.
In January 2026 alone, 15 journalists were attacked, and one received a death threat. These figures paint a picture of mobocracy, where regime-backed crowds and legal tools were used to enforce silence, reminiscent of fascist regimes that control narratives through fear and force.
Weaponization Of Laws
The regime’s fascist playbook included deploying draconian laws like the amended Anti-Terrorism Act to target critics. At least five senior journalists remain imprisoned:
-Farzana Rupa, Shakil Ahmed, Mozammel Babu, and Shyamal Dutta, detained for over a year in cases linked to the July-August 2024 killings.
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-Anis Alamgir, arrested in December 2025 under the Anti-Terrorism Act for alleged “propaganda to bring back the Awami League” via social media and talk shows. He was detained overnight at the Detective Branch (DB) office, remanded for five days, and remains incarcerated despite his open criticism of the interim government.
Monjurul Alam Panna’s arrest marked the regime’s initial use of counter-terrorism laws against journalists, though he later secured bail. Similarly, former National Press Club president Shawkat Mahmud was detained in December 2025 under the Anti-Terrorism Act in a case accusing him of conspiring to overthrow the government.
In another chilling episode, three broadcast journalists from Deepto TV, Channel i, and ATN Bangla were dismissed after questioning Cultural Affairs Adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki in April 2025 about UNESCO recognition of the Bengali New Year procession and uprising casualties. A Facebook page issued a 24-hour ultimatum, threatening a “march” to the channels if no action was taken—highlighting how mobocracy operated under regime tolerance.
Hundreds more lost jobs due to lists compiled by Students Against Discrimination (SAD) leaders, now aligned with the National Citizens’ Party (NCP). SAD’s Hasnat Abdullah publicly pressured Somoy News to dismiss five journalists in December 2024, exemplifying how fascist elements co-opted youth movements to purge the media of dissenting voices.
Attacks On Media Outlets
The regime’s mobocracy extended to physical assaults on media infrastructure. Immediately after the Awami League’s fall, newspaper offices and television stations were vandalised by student mobs, with attackers later granted legal indemnity. A second wave saw the offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star ransacked and set ablaze by Islamist protesters—acts condemned internationally but ignored domestically.
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Female journalists faced rape and assault, while press club memberships and credentials were revoked for hundreds without due process. Organisations like CPJ and RSF have documented persistent threats, assaults, and harassment, noting 137 journalists accused in 32 cases related to the uprising, some under the Explosives Act.
Despite forming a committee in October 2024 to review harassment cases, the regime continued filing new ones, exposing its fascist disregard for accountability.
Broader Implications
This systematic persecution is not isolated but a structural pattern of fascism, where state and non-state actors collude to suppress dissent. By fostering mobocracy—through indemnities for attackers and blacklisting critics—the Yunus regime eroded democratic pillars like free expression and information rights. ASK warns that such actions threaten transparency and governance, turning Bangladesh into a “volatile jihadist state” in international eyes.
Rizwana’s denial, amid her family’s controversial history, reeks of complicity in this mob-driven authoritarianism. The incoming administration must reverse these practices as a litmus test for restoring press freedom or risk perpetuating the fascist legacy.
In conclusion, the Yunus regime’s 18 months stand as a dark chapter of fascism and mobocracy, where statistics of repression—381 harassed, 523 incidents, hundreds jailed or jobless—reveal a calculated assault on media. Rizwana and her cohorts must be held accountable for this betrayal of democratic ideals, ensuring Bangladesh reclaims its voice from the clutches of tyranny.
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