By Redowan Ibne Saiful It has been over 16 months since Dr. Muhammad Yunus, a so-called Nobel Peace laureate, assumed power, yet the law-and-order situation in Bangladesh has not improved. Instead, it has sharply deteriorated. Mob terrorism has emerged as a modern form of extrajudicial killings.
Reports indicate that 450 police stations were looted after 5th August 2024, with weapons still unaccounted for. Police killings often go unrecorded, and perpetrators are reportedly granted indemnity, contributing to a widespread lack of confidence within the force.
According to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), a leading Bangladeshi human rights organisation, within just five months of Yunus taking office, at least 46 people were killed by mobs in 2024. By comparison, between 2020 and 2024, the total number of mob-killing victims stood at 150. Disturbingly, most of the recent victims have been activists of the Awami League (ALBD).
Several incidents of mob lynching have sent shockwaves across the nation. At Jahangirnagar University, student coordinators backed by Yunus, along with members of the BNP’s student wing JCD and Jamaat’s student wing Shibir, brutally killed BSL leader Shamim Molla in broad daylight. The main culprits remain at large. At Dhaka University, the same groups killed Toffazol Hossain, another BSL activist. Even more horrific was the killing of a crippled former BSL leader, an employee of Rajshahi University, by the same networks of mob terrorists. Despite the brutality and public outcry, no arrests have been made in these cases.
GCDG report blames Yunus for systematic assault on national history, institutions
Rule Without Mandate: 85 extrajudicial killings under Yunus regime
The crisis has now spiralled to an alarming scale. According to Police Headquarters data reported by Banik Barta, in just the first six months of 2025, 1,930 people were killed nationwide, alongside more than 500 cases of abduction—the highest ratio recorded in nearly a decade.
The situation worsened further when, on August 18, Prothom Alo reported that 1,108 muggers had been released under the Yunus administration.
Even Yunus’s inner circle has not escaped allegations of complicity. On August 4, at a press conference at the National Press Club, Ruma Akhter, a resident of Muradnagar, Comilla, accused Billal Hossain, father of Asif Mahmud Sajeeb Bhuiyan, an advisor in Yunus’s interim government, of aiding and abetting a triple murder. She alleged that on July 3, her mother, brother, and sister were beaten to death with the involvement of Billal Hossain. Ruma herself was stabbed but narrowly survived. Although a case was filed, she stated that the police excluded the name of Billal Hossain from the charge sheet, raising concerns of political interference.
The deteriorating situation highlights the grave collapse of law and order under Yunus’s administration. Bangladesh now faces unprecedented levels of mob violence, abductions, and targeted killings, with justice remaining elusive for victims and their families.
Escalating Repression on Judiciary
Since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh has witnessed an unprecedented wave of political persecution. Nearly 50,000 Awami League (AL) leaders and activists have been arrested, while 24 leaders have been killed by July 2025, according to the Awami League’s own statement of grave concern. These figures raise fundamental questions about law and order in the country.
The repression has extended beyond politics into the judiciary itself. Former Chief Justice Khairul Haque was arrested, handcuffed, and kept in the dock for 40 minutes before being sent to jail on charges linked to the July Uprising murder case. The case appears highly politicised, symbolising a broader assault on judicial independence.
Even the right to legal defense has been under siege. Hundreds of lawyers defending AL leaders have reportedly been arrested under the new administration led by Muhammad Yunus. Many face intimidation, mob justice in custody, and harassment from professional opponents. The judiciary, once a fragile but functioning institution, has been reduced to what critics describe as a “plotted drama.”
Internationally recognised media have also documented the crackdown. On April 6, 2025, The Hindu reported that a Dhaka court sent 70 pro-Awami League lawyers to prison on charges of “assault” and “attempted murder” of fellow advocates during the 2024 uprising that toppled Hasina’s government.
Sheikh Hasina slams Yunus for glorifying ‘July Heroes’ amid political turmoil
Sheikh Hasina urges mass boycott of February 12 elections
PBI files final report in false July case, seeks discharge of Sheikh Hasina, others
The repression extends to district-level politics. In December 2024, 167 AL activists surrendered in Jessore. Their lawyer, Advocate Syed Kabir Hossain Joni, who also serves as the legal secretary of Abhaynagar Upazila Awami League and is a member of the Jessore District Bar Association, was later arrested by police. His detention underscores how even legal representatives are being systematically targeted.
The mass arrests, politically motivated prosecutions, and suppression of legal defense reveal a deepening law-and-order crisis in Bangladesh. What emerges is not just the persecution of a political party but the erosion of judicial independence, fair trial rights, and democratic safeguards. Unless addressed, this pattern risks cementing a dangerous precedent: that legal institutions can be weaponised against political opponents, undermining the very foundation of Bangladesh’s democracy.
False Murder Cases and the Unclear Death Toll
False cases have increasingly become a way of extortion and political harassment in Bangladesh’s post-Hasina climate. On 11 August 2025, The Business Standard reported in its feature “A year since uprising: False cases, mass accusations threaten justice for July murder” that out of 1,930 cases linked to the July uprising, naming more than 100,000 accused, charge sheets have been filed in only 19 cases. The report highlights how many of these cases are inflated or outright false—often rooted in personal disputes or extortion attempts. Procedural loopholes, which allow immediate filing of cases without prior verification, have enabled this alarming abuse of the justice system.
Equally troubling is the uncertainty surrounding the death toll from the July–August 2024 uprising. Even after a full year, the figures remain contradictory:
- The Health Ministry recently released a list of 834 deaths, but more than 400 names included were not connected to the uprising. On 19 July 2025,bdnews24 revealed a major fraud involving the official lists of martyrs and “July Warriors” (injured). Investigations uncovered that over 70 individuals had been falsely included in these lists through the use of forged documents and fraudulent claims.
- The UNHCR has put the figure at around 1,400 deaths in their report, a number that remains unverified.
- The Awami League has separately submitted details of 144 of its members allegedly killed in the aftermath of the July movement.
- More than 50 police officers were also killed during the violence, yet there has been no justice or accountability for their deaths.
This disparity underscores a failure of the Yunus administration to establish a credible account of one of the country’s bloodiest episodes. The lack of a verified death toll—despite the passage of a year—raises critical questions. Is this merely administrative incompetence, or a deliberate attempt to obscure the truth for political ends?
Reports suggest that BNP-Jamat activists across the country have become involved in extortion, mugging, bribery, and corruption. The party leadership has been forced to expel dozens of activists daily over such allegations, but the cycle continues. Adding to the controversy, BNP-linked leaders have been accused of profiting by filing fake cases against Awami League leaders, a tactic that has deepened divisions and fueled resentment in Bangladesh’s political spectrum.
New age reported that in their editorial, ‘The tendency to file cases against a large number of named and unnamed accused, a practice normalised during the overthrown Awami League regime, has also become common during the post-uprising government.’ The tendency to file cases against a large number of named and unnamed accused, a practice normalised during the overthrown Awami League regime, has also become common during the post-uprising government.’ Even the law advisor acknowledged that by stating, ‘Courts flooded with false cases.’
A report by Daily Republic stated that over 80,000 cases have been filed against more than 5,00,000 people, including over 400 cases against Awami League President and five-time Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Currently, around 1,50,000 Awami League leaders and supporters are in jail without trial.
On September 15, 2025, Prothom Alo exposed another bombshell: out of 834 reported deceased, 52 were fake, and 42 were unidentified. Cases of deaths from land disputes and accidents were also falsely listed as July martyrs. This raises serious questions about how many genuine deaths are actually connected with the July events. The report further proves that the UNHCR’s data is fragmented and unreliable.
The Yunus administration has cleared convicted 1971 war criminal ATM Azharul Islam of all crimes against humanity, further raising concerns about impunity and historical revisionism. In a controversial ruling, Tarique Rahman, Babar, and all other accused in the 21 August grenade attack case were acquitted of their lifetime prison sentences. The High Court (HC) also scrapped the lower court verdicts that had previously convicted and sentenced 49 individuals in connection with the attack, sparking widespread debate over accountability and judicial impartiality in Bangladesh.
Family says Awami League leader, singer Proloy Chaki was denied medical care
Feni Jubo Dal activists suspected for murder of Hindu youth over extortion
The combination of false cases clogging the justice system, the absence of justice for victims on all sides, including slain police officers, and the failure to present a clear death toll reveals a broader crisis: the erosion of due process, the politicisation of institutions, and the silencing of accountability. Until these fundamental issues are addressed, Bangladesh’s pursuit of justice and stability will remain trapped in uncertainty and mistrust.
Brutal Crackdown on Awami League
In what is being described as one of the harshest crackdowns in recent history, nearly 10,000 Awami League leaders and activists have been arrested over the past year, according to The Daily Star. The repression has intensified dramatically in recent weeks: in May 2025 alone, 48,400 people were arrested, with almost 90% reportedly affiliated with the Awami League (ALBD).
The Daily Star further noted that the average daily arrests in the past month stood at around 1,560, surpassing the scale of “Operation Devil Hunt” earlier this year, when the daily average was about 1,330 arrests.
Gopalganj Crackdown
A particularly shocking episode unfolded in Gopalganj, the birthplace of Bangladesh’s founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Ahead of an NCP political programme, its leaders allegedly threatened to demolish the Sheikh Mujib burial complex, sparking public outrage. On the day of the rally, ordinary citizens took to the streets in protest.
Instead of containing the situation, police and army forces opened fire indiscriminately, killing at least five people, including pedestrians, and injuring more than 50 others. The violence was followed by a sweeping crackdown: according to bdnews24, authorities filed cases against 3,000 individuals, and by 26 July, 312 people had already been arrested.
The scale of the repression was so extensive that the Bangladesh Navy was deployed in Gopalganj. For over a week, the district remained effectively paralysed, with thousands of residents harassed, displaced, or forced into hiding. Disturbingly, even underage students were reportedly detained during the raids. bdnews24 reported that over 3,000 people were accused across four cases related to the Gopalganj unrest, highlighting the breadth of the punitive measures.
Uneven Treatment Across Parties
This disproportionate response has raised questions about selective enforcement. While the NCP has faced moments of public backlash,, for instance, in Cox’s Bazar, where one of its leaders insulted BNP figure Salauddin Ahmed and locals dismantled their stag,e, and then the state’s security apparatus intervened primarily to escort and protect NCP leaders, rather than crack down on them.
In contrast, Awami League supporters across the country are enduring mass arrests, harassment, and intimidation, suggesting a politically motivated campaign aimed at silencing dissent and dismantling ALBD’s grassroots networks.
Army and Extra-Judicial Killings in Bangladesh
Allegations of extrajudicial killings involving the Bangladesh Army have long shadowed the country’s political landscape. While such charges surfaced during the Sheikh Hasina regime, reports suggest that the practice has continued even after her departure. Since 5 August 2025, multiple incidents of killings attributed to the army-led joint forces have been documented across Bangladesh.
In Comilla, Bangla Tribune reported that Towhidul Islam (40), convener of Panchthuri Union Jubo Dal, was allegedly picked up from his home by joint forces in the early hours of Friday. Hours later, he died at Comilla Medical College Hospital, with eyewitnesses alleging severe beatings in custody.
A similar incident occurred in Mymensingh, where New Age reported that Saidul Islam (40), joint general secretary of Mymensingh metropolitan Jubo Dal, was killed during an arrest operation in Golpukurpar. Police officials confirmed his death but offered little clarity on the circumstances.
The same week, two young men, Jumman (25) and Miraj Hossain (26), were killed during what authorities described as a “shootout” with joint forces at Chand Udyan on 21 February 2025. However, Prothom Alo noted that multiple CCTV footage later circulated online showing army personnel beating them, casting serious doubt on the official narrative
In Gopalganj, the birthplace of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, video evidence surfaced of army troops firing indiscriminately at unarmed protesters. The clashes resulted in the killing of at least five people, intensifying public anger over what many have labelled state-sponsored brutality.
By August 2025, more than ten people had been killed by the army-led joint forces across different districts. Yet, no proper investigations or trials have been initiated. Families of the victims continue to demand accountability, while human rights defenders warn that unchecked military violence risks normalising extrajudicial executions as a tool of political control.
BNP’s Rise and Escalating Political Violence
Since 5 August 2025, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has rapidly emerged as the dominant political force on the ground. Yet, their growing street power has also been accompanied by alarming levels of violence, lawlessness, and internal disorder.
According to a Daily Star report citing Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) on 17 July 2025, Bangladesh has witnessed 349 incidents of political violence over the past 11 months, leaving 87 people dead and 3,929 injured. Strikingly, BNP and its affiliated organisations were linked to 323 of these clashes, which claimed the lives of at least 77 BNP members and injured 3,653 others.
While BNP’s top leadership has repeatedly urged restraint, the reality on the ground is different. BNP activists are not only clashing with Awami League supporters but also turning against their own ranks, engaging in turf wars, extortion, and violent reprisals.
On 30 August 2025, three Awami League activists were brutally beaten to death in Dhaka, Bhola, and Jessore—illustrating the scale of unchecked violence.
The broader security situation has deteriorated sharply. In the past year alone, around 3,000 people have been killed in political clashes, mob violence, and lawlessness. For ordinary citizens, safety is now a nightmare.
Rising Persecution of Minorities
Since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina on 5 August 2025, Bangladesh’s religious minorities have faced an unprecedented wave of violence, intimidation, and desecration. What began almost immediately after her removal has escalated into a full-scale human rights crisis.
Prothom Alo investigations revealed that between 5 and 20 August 2025, at least 1,068 houses and business establishments belonging to minority communities were attacked. In addition, 22 houses of worship were vandalised during this two-week period, with the majority of assaults attributed to BNP and Jamaat supporters. This report, published on 12 September 2025, paints a grim picture of how quickly the situation deteriorated in the immediate aftermath of political upheaval.
The problem is not confined to August. On 10 July 2025, The Hindu reported that in the first half of 2025 alone, Bangladesh witnessed 258 communal attacks against minorities, according to the Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Parishad. These incidents included 20 cases of rape and 59 attacks on places of worship, highlighting the systematic nature of the violence.
In one of the most shocking recent cases, a dead spiritual leader (fakir) was exhumed, burned, and desecrated by local BNP and Jamaat supporters. The grotesque act demonstrated that even the sanctity of the dead is no longer respected, symbolising the depth of communal hatred and lawlessness gripping the country.
These figures and incidents illustrate how religious minorities are enduring one of the most troubling and insecure periods in Bangladesh’s recent history. With homes destroyed, places of worship desecrated, women assaulted, and even graves desecrated, minorities are left with little faith in the state’s ability or willingness to protect them.
Rise of Militancy, Attacks on Women, and Destruction of Cultural Heritage
Following the ousting of Sheikh Hasina in August 2025, Bangladesh has witnessed a surge in militant activity, extremist influence, and attacks on social and cultural spaces. Hundreds of terrorists escaped from prisons during the mass uprisings, and the Yunus administration has been criticised for failing to take strong measures, effectively allowing extremist ideologies to spread.
Immediately after 5 August 2025, the banned organisation Hizb ut-Tahrir publicly declared its support and role for Sheikh Hasina’s ouster (BBC Bangla). On 7 March 2025, the group held an open procession in Paltan. Police responded with batons, teargas, and sound grenades to disperse the demonstrators, arresting dozens of militants (The Business Standard).
As of December 2025, more than 700 inmates, including death-row convicts and militants, remain at large, highlighting the ongoing security threat (Daily Star). The influence of militants has begun to affect broader society:
- Islamist threats have forced girls’ football matches to be cancelled. (BBC)
- Public events involving actors have been disrupted. For example, Pori Moni reported being prevented from inaugurating a department store in Tangail due to objections from religious groups. Similar cancellations affected Apu Biswas and Mehazabien Chowdhury (BBC Bangla).
The current environment has created widespread insecurity for women as well. Women are harassed for their outfits and public presence. Police often release the harassers and tacitly endorse extremist behaviour, leaving citizens vulnerable.
Combined, the rise of militancy, attacks on women, destruction of cultural heritage, and unchecked extremist influence have created an environment of fear and instability across Bangladesh, threatening civil liberties, historical memory, and public safety.
Targeting of Dissenting Muslims
Militants are not only threatening women and cultural figures but are also targeting religious minorities and Muslims who oppose extremist beliefs:
- Sufi Muslims have reported attacks on around 100 shrines and centres over the past six months. Anisur Rahman Jafri, Secretary General of the Sufism Universal Foundation, warned that such attacks risk “Talibanisation” if unchecked (BBC).
Historical Revisionism and Cultural Destruction
Simultaneously, Bangladesh’s Liberation War heritage has suffered extensive damage during the Yunus regime:
- Nationwide, 1,500 sculptures and murals have been vandalized (Prothom Alo).
- At Dhaka University’s “Swadhinata Sangram” (Liberation Struggle) sculpture, which features busts representing Bangladesh’s independence struggle and global freedom icons, rows of statues were heavily damaged. (bdnews 24)
- In Meherpur, the Mujibnagar Memorial Complex saw 600 sculptures destroyed and valuables looted on 5 August 2024. (Dhaka Tribune)
Despite the passage of over a year, no meaningful restoration has been undertaken, leaving historical memory and national heritage in ruins.
One year into Yunus’ administration, Bangladesh faces unprecedented political, economic, and social turmoil. Economic instability, record unemployment, garment industry closures, price hikes, and lack of foreign investment have pushed the nation to the brink. Allegations of mob violence, extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, harassment of lawyers, and looting of police stations highlight a collapse of law and order. Reports of fake death lists and targeted persecution of Awami League activists further underscore a climate of political anarchy. Despite widespread domestic suffering, international media has largely remained silent, drawing criticism from analysts and citizens alike. Many now reflect that conditions under the previous Sheikh Hasina regime were comparatively better, as the country struggles to navigate this deepening crisis.
Redowan Ibne Saiful: Writer, activist
Bengali 
English