The so-called “interim” government under Nobel laureate-turned-despot Dr. Muhammad Yunus, which seized power on August 8, 2024, amid a violent political upheaval, will go down in history as a catastrophic failure that nearly destroyed Bangladesh.
Yunus, who jetted in from France like a reluctant saviour only to preside over a nightmare of mob rule, jihadist patronage, economic surrender, brazen looting and holding a rigged election, left the nation teetering on the brink of total collapse. His regime’s hollow promises of protection and discipline evaporated into a fog of incompetence and complicity, enabling war criminals from Jamaat-e-Islami to roam free while cosying up to a sinister US-Pakistan-Turkey axis that plundered our sovereignty and security.
From day one, Yunus’ platitudes rang false. “Our task is to protect everyone,” he blathered upon arrival, yet his administration became a haven for jihadist thugs and Jamaat war criminals, shielding them from justice while ordinary citizens suffered. This wasn’t governance; it was a betrayal that empowered extremists, turning Bangladesh into a playground for radical Islamists who had long evaded accountability for their atrocities.
By February 17, when the BNP finally formed a new government after a rigged election, the scars of Yunus’ 18-month horror show were indelible: a mobocracy where lawlessness reigned, the media was muzzled, and the economy was handed over on a silver platter to foreign predators.
Mobocracy: A Descent Into Mobocracy And Jihadist Anarchy
Yunus’ regime unleashed a hellish breakdown in law and order after August 5, 2024, rendering police forces impotent and complicit in the chaos. It took months to even pretend to restore functionality, during which jihadist elements—patronised by the government’s soft stance on Jamaat war criminals—ran rampant. Nighttime terror gripped the nation, with robberies and dacoities forcing citizens to form vigilante groups out of sheer desperation. The army’s belated deployment was a pathetic band-aid on a gaping wound.
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Human rights reports from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) paint a damning picture: at least 293 mob lynching deaths under Yunus’s watch, with 197 in 2025 alone. Custodial deaths soared to 107 in 2025, while extrajudicial killings claimed 38 lives. International watchdogs decried the rampant violations, but Yunus’ cabal dismissed them, all while shielding Jamaat’s jihadist networks.
This wasn’t mere negligence; it was a deliberate creation of mobocracy, where street justice replaced the rule of law, and extremists thrived under the regime’s protective umbrella.
Media suppression was equally vicious. Despite Yunus’ hypocritical claims of press freedom, ASK documented 381 cases of journalist harassment in 2025. Dozens of newspapers and TV stations were attacked on August 5 and onwards. The nadir came on December 18, when reactionary goons—emboldened by the regime’s jihadist alliances—torched and looted offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star in the most barbaric media assault in Bangladesh’s history. The Yunus government didn’t just fail to protect the press; it actively stifled dissent, creating a climate of fear that silenced critics and allowed corruption to fester unchecked.
Economy: Surrendered to foreign cliques and plundered by insiders
The economy under Yunus was a stagnant swamp of failure, deliberately surrendered to a US-Pakistan-Turkey clique that exploited Bangladesh like a colonial outpost. High inflation ravaged essentials, dollar shortages crippled trade, and foreign debt repayments squeezed the life out of the nation—all while laundered billions vanished into thin air, with zero recovery despite empty promises. Poverty rates skyrocketed, and banking confidence evaporated, exposing the regime’s looting spree.
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Investment? A cruel joke. Local businesses shunned expansion amid the chaos, and foreign direct investment (FDI) plummeted as Yunus’s decisions— like axing 37 solar projects worth over $6 billion—shattered trust. Countries like China, Singapore, India, and the US saw their investments torpedoed, while the regime grovelled before its favoured axis.
Bangladesh lagged behind even Pakistan in FDI, a humiliating reversal from two years prior. The much-hyped appointment of Singaporean banker Ashik Chowdhury to BIDA was all flash, no substance—16 months of zero breakthroughs, culminating in his lame excuse about port rankings.
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The Business Environment Index for 2024–25 exposed the rot: deterioration in legal access, infrastructure, labour rules, trade ease, tech adoption, and environmental standards. Yunus’s crew didn’t build; they looted, rushing through 135 new projects worth Tk203,000 crore in their final days, including 64 hasty approvals totalling Tk106,993 crore. Factories shuttered en masse, leaving lakhs unemployed, as the regime prioritised foreign giveaways over national revival.
Reforms: A sham masking jihadist patronage and capitulation
Yunus’s vaunted reforms were a farce, with 11 commissions producing reports that gathered dust. Some token changes—like judicial tweaks, renaming institutions, fee reductions, and age limit hikes for jobs—were implemented, but critical areas like media and women’s rights were ignored. The regime issued 116 ordinances and signed 14 bilateral deals, but these were smokescreens for deeper betrayals: acceding to international conventions while enabling enforced disappearances at home and “reforming” labour laws that did nothing to curb exploitation.
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The July National Charter, born from cherry-picked recommendations after talks with 30 parties, led to a referendum on 48 constitutional proposals. But Yunus’s government botched the rollout, issuing the implementation order on November 13, 2025, only for the “Yes” victory to be undermined by political games. This wasn’t reform; it was a rigged charade that patronised Jamaat’s war criminals, allowing them to influence the process while the nation suffered.
Foreign Deals: Total surrender to the US-Pakistan-Turkey axis
In foreign policy, Yunus’s regime was a puppet show, surrendering the economy and security to a US-Pakistan-Turkey clique. Investment summits yielded pledges but no cash, while the government eagerly outsourced key assets. The NCT deal with UAE’s DP World—pushed despite worker protests—collapsed amid backlash, but not before punitive crackdowns on strikers. Then came the Laldia terminal to Denmark’s APM Terminals and Pangaon’s river terminal to Switzerland’s Medlog, hasty handovers that reeked of favouritism.
Last-minute deals sparked outrage: trade pacts with the US, defense ties with China (drone factories), aircraft buys from Pakistan (JF-17), China (J-10CE), Europe (Eurofighter), submarines from South Korea, helicopters from Turkey (T-129) and the US (Black Hawk), plus a Japan defense accord. Boeing aircraft purchases favoured the US, snubbing the EU’s Airbus push.
Vessel deals with China (four ships at $241.92 million) and the UK (hydrographic survey vessel) further entrenched foreign control. National Security Adviser Dr. Khalilur Rahman dismissed concerns as “ongoing processes,” but these were blatant capitulations that mortgaged Bangladesh’s future.
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Corruption: A new low in looting and moral decay
Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index nailed the coffin: Bangladesh slipped to the 13th most corrupt globally, down from 14th, with a dismal score of 24—far below the global average of 42. TIB’s Iftekharuzzaman lambasted the worsening rot, blaming political unwillingness and bureaucratic politicisation. Yunus’s regime, far from combating corruption, amplified it through jihadist patronage and foreign sellouts, looting public coffers while suppressing accountability.
In the end, Yunus’ “interim” tyranny—marked by mobocracy, media gags, economic ruin, and surrender to foreign cliques—pushed Bangladesh to collapse. As the BNP takes the reins, the nation must heal from this dark chapter of betrayal and rebuild what this jihadist-coddling regime nearly destroyed.
Total Administrative Collapse
The 559-day reign of terror under Dr. Muhammad Yunus’s so-called “interim” government—from August 8, 2024, to February 17, 2026—stands as the most disgraceful, chaotic, and murderous chapter in Bangladesh’s post-independence history.
This fascist junta, propped up by jihadist elements and war-criminal sympathisers from Jamaat-e-Islami, turned the entire civil administration into a battlefield of anarchy, mobocracy, and brutal incompetence. From the Secretariat to the remotest upazila, the bureaucracy was plunged into unprecedented instability, rage, and lawlessness—conditions never before witnessed in independent Bangladesh.
Chain Of Command Shattered
From the moment Yunus’s murderous cabal seized power, the administration was deliberately fractured along partisan lines. Officials were branded, harassed, publicly assaulted, humiliated, and forcibly ousted in broad daylight at the Secretariat. Mobs—often mobilised by regime-backed agitators—were unleashed to forcibly remove Deputy Commissioners (DCs), Upazila Nirbahi Officers (UNOs), and Divisional Commissioners. Government employees shut down offices, staged violent protests at the Secretariat, DC offices, and UNO compounds, and even engaged in physical brawls among officers over DC postings. This wasn’t governance; it was fascist mob rule engineered to terrorise and paralyse the state machinery.
Hostage-Taking
Public servants, enraged by years of deprivation, repeatedly besieged offices demanding dearness allowances and new pay scales. In one of the regime’s most shameful episodes, the Finance Adviser was held hostage in his own office until midnight by furious employees, only released under police escort. This level of open defiance and humiliation of top officials exposed the complete breakdown of authority under Yunus’s fascist grip.
Cadre Discrimination
The so-called Public Administration Reform Commission’s recommendations did not bring dynamism—they ignited deeper hatred and division. Slogans like “The cadre that owns the ministry rules it” fueled violent cadre rivalries. Proposals to abolish the BCS (Statistics) cadre and merge BCS (Information) groups into oblivion sparked outrage and despair among officers. Pensioners, denied enhanced medical allowances and other basic rights, kept the administration under constant siege. The regime’s failure to grant 30% dearness allowance to grades 11–20 paralysed field administration entirely.
Promotion Starvation, Retrospective Favouritism
Over 1,000 officers languished without promotion, with 574 eligible for Joint Secretary posts (including 337 from the 24th batch) and 542 for Deputy Secretary left in limbo. These humiliated officers besieged the Public Administration Secretary’s office almost daily. Yet the regime shamelessly granted retrospective promotions to 764 retired officers—up to Secretary level—on February 9, 2024, claiming to correct “Awami League-era injustices.” This blatant favouritism toward retirees while denying serving officers created explosive new layers of discrimination and rendered the entire administration dysfunctional.
Record-Breaking Cancellations And Farce Appointments
Yunus’s regime set shameful records for flip-flopping and incompetence: DC appointments sparked fistfights and were later canceled for nine officers; a BIWTC Chairman was made Shipping Secretary only to be sacked two days later; Ilahi Dad Khan lasted one day as Food Secretary before cancellation; a Poland ambassador appointment was revoked after just 10 days; and six PSC members appointed on January 2, 2025, were fired amid controversy on January 13. In the final hours, the Cabinet Secretary drama reached absurd heights: the outgoing secretary resigned, his contract was revoked in a humiliating gazette, the Chief Secretary took over briefly before quitting, and finally, Home Secretary Nasimul Ghani was shoehorned in on contract minutes before the new cabinet’s oath.
Political observers say efficient administration is essential for governing a country. Yunus’ regime showed utter failure from day one, plunging the entire bureaucracy into perpetual instability. This jihadist-backed fascist junta did not govern—it terrorised, looted dignity, fostered mobocracy, and left the state apparatus in ruins. The hope now rests with the newly elected government to finally end this murderous 559-day nightmare of chaos and restore order to a battered nation.
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