Ordinance No. 30, issued in July 2025, is a carefully crafted political propaganda document that seeks to frame a 2024 media-driven, foreign-influenced incident as an “uprising.” It was a period marked by the killing of thousands of police officers and the torching of state assets, creating instability and pushing the country into chaos. We see this as a conspiracy against the state and the Constitution. Below are the main components of this ordinance and clear reasoning against it:
Historical manipulation
Since 2009, Sheikh Hasina’s government has faced intense criticism. Yet, the ordeals of the previous regimes are completely ignored!
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After the assassination of the Father of the Nation in 1975, a long era of military rule began. General Zia unlawfully seized power, assuming both the presidency and the role of army chief. During his rule, around 4,500 freedom fighter army and air force officials were hanged without trial. Where were human rights then? He executed war-wounded freedom fighter Colonel Taher. General Zia himself was assassinated in a military coup. Later, General Ershad took power—was that democracy? Power held by military force, enforced disappearances, crossfires, and mass killings were rampant.
In 2001, after the BNP-Jamaat alliance came to power, heinous violence against minorities erupted. Women from Hindu families were raped in front of their relatives—incidents like those of Purnima and Mohima made it into UN reports.
During the BNP regime, Bangladesh topped global corruption rankings five times. Reports of money laundering, extortion, and terrorism filled both local and international media. Jihadist rise under Bangla Bhai, the grenade attack on the Awami League rally on August 21 that killed 24 people, and the synchronised bombings across 63 districts on August 17, 2005, all occurred during this period. Numerous leaders were assassinated: Shah AMS Kibria, Ahsanullah Master, Manjurul Imam, and others.
So, why was the Awami League selectively targeted from 2009 onwards? When BNP boycotts elections by choice, labelling each government since as “illegitimate” is nothing short of historical distortion.
1. State recognition of the July movement
The so-called “July Movement” of 2024 was a media-fuelled propaganda operation, orchestrated by foreign NGOs and corporate outlets to destabilise Sheikh Hasina’s government. It was nothing more than an attempt to brand a quota movement as a revolution.
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There was no mass base. It was a silent coup, with Dr. Yunus at its centre. He himself claimed in interviews: “Even if I don’t have popular support, I have international connections,”—revealing his authoritarian mindset.
Granting state recognition to this event is to legitimise an unconstitutional and unethical conspiracy.
2. State benefits for so-called “July martyrs”
Labelling those who died in the clashes as “martyrs” is an insult to the Constitution and the spirit of the Liberation War. The word “Shaheed” (martyr) is sacred and reserved for those who died for independence—Shaheed Rafiq and Shaheed Jabbar cannot be equated with so-called “July martyrs.”
Most victims were shot in the head or neck—an indicator of sniper fire. Neuroscience Hospital specialists, including Dr. Fuad Galib and Dr. Shamsul Arefin, confirm fatal sniper wounds in several patients. Weapon expert Abdul Haque, after reviewing bullets, stated they came from military-grade sniper rifles, which the police did not use. Then, where did they come from?
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Home Affairs Advisor Sakhawat Hossain raised questions about the 7.62mm bullets. He was removed from his post the next day.
One case: Md. Shahadat Hossain Shawon, who died on the Jatrabari flyover. His body, exhumed 9 months later, revealed clean-through sniper wounds to the head.
Why did Yunus’s group oppose autopsies if they had nothing to hide?
Providing benefits to such families disrespects actual freedom fighter families. Martyrs die for the country, not for conspiracies. Resettling such people only creates future threats to national security.
3. “July Fighters” and the formation of a rehabilitation board
The term “fighter” holds enormous national dignity and is traditionally reserved for Liberation War heroes.
Creating a new class called “July Fighters” undermines this legacy and is part of a plot to establish a parallel administrative system, spearheaded by Yunus-aligned anti-liberation elements.
This group includes opportunists from both left and right, acting under foreign agendas. Their rehabilitation is a misuse of the national treasury to reward conspirators.
4. Promoting “July Ideology” as state policy
There is no such thing as a “July Ideology.” It is an attempt to turn one man’s self-defense narrative into national policy.
The core ideologies of Bangladesh, enshrined in the 1972 Constitution, are secularism, democracy, socialism, and nationalism.
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This “new ideology” is merely a politically motivated rewriting of history.
5. State preservation of July history
On what basis should the state preserve this history?
Based on reports from Al Jazeera or the New York Times?
At a Clinton Global Initiative event in New York, Dr. Yunus said the July movement was “meticulously designed,” and people didn’t even know who the leaders were. He introduced Mahfuz as the mastermind behind the uprising.
This was no mass revolution. It was foreign orchestration and an NGO-media showroom before the election. Creating such parallel histories undermines both the Liberation War and the ideals of Bangabandhu after 1975.
6. Criminalising “July denial”
Punishing people for denying the July “uprising” is a blatant attack on freedom of speech and violates Article 39 of the Constitution.
This is not democracy—it’s fascism, where truth becomes a punishable offense.
According to the gazette, lists of thousands of injured are compiled from divisions like Dhaka, Khulna, Barisal, Mymensingh—forming a “political workforce” under the label of “July Fighters.”
No democratic or judicial scrutiny has been applied, leaving no room for verifying the truth.
This is a base for future demands—state positions, pensions, jobs, and funds.
A law has been made against the Constitution and history.
This misuse of titles like “State Martyr” and “Fighter” mocks their original meaning. Using administrative and legislative tools, a “shadow liberation war” is being created, betraying actual history.
Ironically, the gazette begins with a claim that from January 9, 2009, under Sheikh Hasina’s rule, disappearances, murders, repression, and economic collapse began.
Really?
In 2009, Bangladesh’s GDP was $88 billion. In 2024, it exceeded $480 billion.
Foreign reserves went from $1.5 billion to $25–26 billion, even post-crisis.
Per capita income jumped from $577 to $2,900.
Meanwhile, Swiss banks recorded a surge in Bangladesh’s overseas funds, from 26 million francs to nearly 60 million francs within a year.
In early 2025, advisors Asif Mahmud, Asif Nazrul, and press secretary Shafiq visited Switzerland amid reports of 1 trillion taka being laundered over 10 months.
Ordinance No. 30, 2025 is—
1. A document of historical distortion
2. A legalised framework to destabilise Sheikh Hasina’s government
3. A blueprint against the spirit of the Liberation War
4. A foreign lobby-backed conspiracy to create a shadow state within Bangladesh
It must be repealed immediately.
Ban all political labels like “July Martyr” and “July Fighter.”
Reaffirm the Liberation War’s ideals as the only national ideals.
Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu
Defend Bangladesh’s true history—only then can the nation and its future generations survive.
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