Daily Waadaa: A sign of corruption, treachery and repression by Dustbin Shafiq

In a move that reeks of cronyism and moral bankruptcy, Shafiqul Alam—infamously dubbed “Dustbin Shafiq” for his propensity to discard truth in favour of regime propaganda—has been appointed editor of the newly launched English-language newspaper, The Daily Waadaa, when the BNP-led government is in power.

Owned by the MGH Group under the stewardship of controversial tycoon Anis Ahmed Gorki, this appointment not only underscores Shafiqul’s cosy ties to corrupt power brokers but also highlights the glaring hypocrisy of a man who, as press secretary to Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, presided over an era of unprecedented journalist persecution and the erosion of press freedom in Bangladesh.

Shafiqul’s transition from the Chief Adviser’s press wing to the post of an editor, which is well respected in the civil society, comes mere days after the interim government’s office wound down operations on February 18.

In a Facebook post dripping with self-congratulation, Shafiqul sought “blessings” for his new journey, conveniently omitting any reflection on his role in enabling a regime that weaponised mobs, spread blatant lies, and crushed dissenting voices. His colleague, Azad Majumder, joins as executive editor, pledging commitment to “truth” and “professional integrity”—words that ring hollow given their shared history of defending a government accused of fascist tendencies.

At the heart of this scandal is the ownership of Daily Waadaa by MGH Group, led by Anis Ahmed, a businessman whose empire has been dogged by allegations of illegal wealth accumulation and money laundering. In a stunning reversal, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) withdrew a high-profile case against Anis on October 15, 2024, clearing him of charges involving Tk136 crore in illicit assets.

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Court documents and media reports reveal that the ACC cited a lack of evidence, but insiders point to Shafiqul’s alleged lobbying—described in Bengali media as “tadbir”—as the catalyst for this acquittal. Just months earlier, in March 2024, the ACC had filed a charge sheet accusing Anis of illegally acquiring Tk17.22 crore. The timing? Suspiciously aligned with Yunus’ interim government, raising questions about political interference and favouritism.

Critics argue this is no coincidence. MGH Group’s ventures, including the digital insurance platform Waada Insurance and plans for an airline called Fly Falcon in partnership with a UAE-based firm, have flourished amid whispers of ties to militant patronage and massive investments under dubious circumstances.

As one anonymous source within the ACC told New Age, “Powerful individuals like former adviser Salman F Rahman may have initiated the harassment, but under Yunus, cases against allies like Anis were quietly buried.”

Shafiqul’s appointment to Daily Waadaa appears as payback—a cushy editorial role in exchange for pulling strings to shield a corrupt tycoon from justice.

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Shafiqul’s track record during his stint as Yunus’s press secretary is a litany of shame. In a January 2026 Al Jazeera interview, he brazenly lied about the interim government’s control over law and order, dismissing mob violence as mere “pressure groups” and downplaying communal attacks on minorities as politically motivated. He boasted of “record-breaking crowds” at events while ignoring the deaths of thousands since the regime’s ascent, including over 6,000 missing persons and 45 fatalities in prison due to neglect. His vengeful smears against critics, such as New Age editor Nurul Kabir, branded legitimate concerns as “nonsense” without a shred of evidence.

Worse still, Shafiqul patronised mobs that terrorised journalists and opposition figures. Yunus himself incited hunts for Awami League members, trivialising violence against them. Under this “mobocracy,” as human rights groups have termed it, press freedom evaporated.

According to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK)’s 2025 report, 381 journalists faced abuse: 23 harassed by law enforcement, 20 threatened with death, 123 sued over reports, 118 attacked on duty, and 3 killed by miscreants. Broader data since August 2024 shows 184 accreditations revoked, 354 journalists in fabricated cases, 18 arrested on false murder charges, and 523 persecution incidents.

Outgoing Information Adviser Syeda Rizwana Hasan’s recent denial of journalist imprisonments during the 18-month tenure is laughable revisionism. Journalists like Farzana Rupa, Shakil Ahmed, Mozammel Babu, Shyamal Dutta, and Anis Alamgir languish in jails on trumped-up charges under the Anti-Terrorism Act—many for merely criticising the regime. Alamgir, arrested in December 2025 for alleged “propaganda,” endured overnight detention and remand despite his balanced critiques.

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Shafiqul’s exaggerations extended to defending the unconstitutional barring of Awami League from elections, labelling its members “thugs” in inflammatory rhetoric that fueled vigilante justice. He rejected UN concerns on impunity for mob attacks and Human Rights Watch reports on arbitrary detentions, cherry-picking stats to paint a rosy picture amid arson attacks on media houses like The Daily Star and Prothom Alo.

Senior journalist and political observer Probir Kumar Sarker said that this appointment to Daily Waadaa is not a return to journalism; it’s a continuation of propaganda. Shafiqul, once a respected AFP bureau chief, has sold his soul to a corrupt ecosystem.

Bangladesh grapples with the scars of Yunus’ fascist rule—marked by mass arrests, denied bail, and false cases. Shafiqul’s new role symbolises the death of ethical journalism. The public deserves better than a newspaper edited by a man who enabled repression while claiming to uphold press freedom. It’s time for accountability, not blessings.

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