Bangladesh faces a mix of unfulfilled promises and growing challenges one year after the August 5 coup. Backed by radical Islamists and the army, the interim government’s inability to realise the uprising’s aspirations, coupled with allegations of abuse of power, human rights violations, nepotism, corruption, and external influences, has fueled public discontent.
At a roundtable discussion titled “July Uprising: One Year of Experience and Future” held at the Prothom Alo office in Dhaka on July 23, top civil society leaders previously supporting the Muhammad Yunus-led regime expressed concerns about the current trajectory and warned of dangers ahead, including the rise of Islamist influence and mob violence.
Interim government’s failures and lack of neutrality
The interim government, formed on August 8, 2024, has struggled to deliver on the uprising’s vision of a discrimination-free Bangladesh. Critics argue it operates under the shadow of Sheikh Hasina’s constitution, with unchanged institutions perpetuating old power structures.
Farhad Mazhar, poet and thinker who patronises some of the student leaders, said: “With the formation of the interim government, everything remains under Sheikh Hasina’s constitution. Bureaucracy, judiciary, intellectuals, universities—all are in their previous places; nothing has changed.”
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Debapriya Bhattacharya, think tank CPD’s Distinguished Fellow, said: “We brought in a new government with an anti-discrimination spirit, but it has failed to reflect this in economic management and reforms. There is another government within the interim government, raising questions about its neutrality, especially regarding party impartiality. This is no longer a secret.”
Hossain Zillur Rahman, Executive Chairman of PPRC, said: “There has been a collapse in capacity across ministries, policymaking, and bargaining. The common man has been left out, turning people into spectators rather than active participants.”
Abuse of power and nepotism in judiciary and advisory panels
Allegations of nepotism and abuse of power have tainted the judiciary and advisory panels, undermining public trust. The lack of transparency in judicial appointments and decisions has fueled fears of political manipulation.
Sara Hossain, senior Supreme Court lawyer, daughter of Dr Kamal Hossain and wife of Jamaat-backed journalist David Bergman, said: “Fear persists within and outside the judiciary. Judges worry about repercussions for their decisions. If a group protests, a judge’s career is at risk. Who will deliver justice in such an atmosphere? The removal of High Court judges lacks explanation, and we cannot even discuss it openly.”
Farhad Mazhar added: “The institutions criticised before the uprising remain unchanged. The judiciary and advisory panels are still influenced by the old looting mafia class, now learning from the National Citizen Party (NCP).”
Hossain Zillur Rahman stated: “Bureaucratic authority is fully entrenched, and institutional corruption has returned in full swing since December 2024.”
Human rights violations and mob violence
Human rights violations, including mass lynching cases and political detentions, have surged since the July-August uprising. The rise of Islamist mobs, referred to as “Touhidi Janata,” has intensified fears of social instability.
Sara Hossain said: “Lakhs of names are listed in mass lynching cases, and their accuracy requires independent monitoring. These cases are a matter of shame. The government claims it didn’t file them, but its lawyers fail to challenge them in court. Detainees’ personal freedoms are stripped based on political identity.”
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Altaf Parvez, writer and researcher, said: “A right-wing attitude has spread like a tsunami, with mob violence against those with differing views increasing dangerously.”
Sahul Ahmed, writer and researcher, said: “The judicial system favours those in power. Victims of the uprising and post-coup period need healing, but society’s wounds are deepening due to ongoing injustices.”
Corruption by advisers and student leaders
Corruption allegations have implicated both government advisers and student leaders, tarnishing the uprising’s legacy.
Professor Sayeed Ferdous, Bangladesh Open University Pro-Vice Chancellor, said: “Student leaders, once seeking modest capital for business, are now flooded with crores of taka. This corruption is not accidental; it stains the July leadership.”
Anu Muhammad, former Jahangirnagar University professor: “The government prioritises agreements with foreigners, like Starlink, without discussion, benefiting a select few while ignoring public interest.”
So-called reforms: A facade?
The interim government’s reform commissions have been criticised as superficial, focusing narrowly on constitutional changes to consolidate power rather than addressing systemic issues.
Prof Anu Muhammad said: “Reform commissions are formed, but only the Constitution Reform Commission is discussed, aimed at entrenching political authority for those close to the government.”
Altaf Parvez stated: “Eleven reform commissions exist, but the consensus commission relies on only six. Why this selective approach? It raises serious questions.”
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Hossain Zillur Rahman added: “The process of paper consensus undermines national unity, and the lack of focus on justice, reform, and elections is evident.”
US deep state’s role in July-August conspiracy
Panelists speculated about external influences, particularly the US, in orchestrating the July-August uprising, raising concerns about foreign agendas shaping Bangladesh’s political landscape.
Dr. Zahed Ur Rahman, teacher and Nagorik Oikyo leader, said: “Several forces, both inside and outside the country, want Bangladesh to descend into anarchy. This suggests a coordinated effort, possibly involving the US deep state, to destabilise the nation.”
Farhad Mazhar said: “Elections risk bringing back the old looting mafia class, which aligns with external interests seeking to control Bangladesh’s trajectory.”
Rise of Islamists and mob influence
Since July 2024, the rise of Islamist groups, often manifesting as “Touhidi Janata” mobs, has alarmed civil society. Their field-level influence threatens social cohesion and secular values.
Altaf Parvez said: “A right-wing attitude has spread dangerously, with mob violence targeting those with differing views. This reflects the growing influence of Islamist groups.”
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Prof Anu Muhammad added: “Those holding discriminatory politics in the name of religion, caste, class, or gender dominate, contrary to the uprising’s anti-discrimination spirit.”
Judiciary and social justice
The judiciary’s failure to deliver justice and address minority rights remains a critical concern.
Sara Hossain said: “Injustice to minorities goes unaddressed due to fear. The culture of blaming victims must change. We are far from establishing truth, accountability, and justice.”
Sahul Ahmed added: “Compensating those affected by the uprising and post-coup violence is essential for justice, but the current system deepens societal wounds.”
Neglected voices of the uprising
The contributions of ordinary citizens, particularly workers, have been sidelined in post-uprising narratives, deepening public disillusionment.
Filmmaker Kamar Ahmad Simon said: “The spontaneous participation of rickshaw pullers and common people is ignored. The rickshaw puller who aided the injured had his rickshaw dismantled, with no support.”
Maha Mirza, a development economics researcher, said: “Workers, especially garment workers like Champa, the first martyr, bore the uprising’s brunt. Factories closed, salaries stopped, yet the government ignored their plight.”
Avoiding the commercialisation of July movement
Panelists cautioned against turning the July Uprising into a commercialised narrative, drawing parallels with past political manipulations.
Maha Mirza said: “Celebrating July risks turning it into an industry, like the Awami League’s use of the Liberation War. We must avoid this trap.”
Dangers ahead: A call for elections
Panelists warned of looming dangers, including weak opposition, authoritarian risks, and social fragmentation, urging immediate elections to restore democratic accountability.
Economist Debapriya Bhattacharya said: “A real election, not one of compromise or seat-sharing, is needed. This requires peace, order, and army participation, as administrative and law enforcement forces alone are insufficient.”
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Dr. Zahed said: “There’s an attempt to delay elections, but we have no other option. Even if the country struggles post-election, some will benefit from prolonging chaos.”
Altaf Parvez said: “A weak opposition in the next parliament could be disastrous, as seen in the past. The youth’s fearlessness makes authoritarianism less likely, but the risk remains.”
However, Farhad Mazhar said: “Mass uprising, not elections, is the way forward. Elections risk reinstating the old mafia class, but intellectuals must unite to form a new Bangladesh.”
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