The rise of Islamist extremism in Bangladesh poses a growing threat to regional stability, particularly for its neighbours India, Myanmar, and Nepal. Over the past three decades, from 1992 to 2024, Bangladesh has witnessed the emergence and entrenchment of jihadist groups, many of which have historical ties to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami coalition.
These groups, operating under the banner of organisations like Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HuJI-B), Ansar al-Islam, and others, have systematically targeted religious minorities, secularists, and regional actors while aligning with transnational terrorist networks such as al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).
The recent interim government led by Muhammad Yunus has raised further alarms due to its perceived leniency toward these groups and potential geopolitical alignments with the United States, which could destabilise the region further through schemes like the proposed Rakhine corridor. India, Myanmar, and Nepal must remain vigilant as Bangladesh risks becoming a hub for jihadist activities that threaten their sovereignty and security.
The BNP-Jamaat Nexus and Extremist Growth
The roots of Bangladesh’s militancy trace back to the early 1990s, when groups like HuJI-B emerged with ties to Pakistan’s jihadist ecosystem. Founded by Bangladeshi veterans of the Afghan war against the Soviets, HuJI-B established itself in 1992, drawing support from Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh Khelafat Majlish, and other Islamist outfits.
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Its operations, including the 1999 attack on poet Shamsur Rahman and the deadly 2004 grenade attack on an Awami League rally, were enabled by the political patronage of the BNP-Jamaat coalition government (2001–2006).
During this period, extremist groups like JMB flourished under the protection of MPs, ministers, and security forces, with JMB being founded in 1998 by Shaykh Abdur Rahman, a former Jamaat leader. JMB’s 2005 coordinated bomb attacks across 63 districts, demanding Sharia law, underscored its ambition to dismantle Bangladesh’s secular framework.
The BNP-Jamaat coalition’s complicity allowed groups like JMB, HuJI-B, and Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) to establish training camps, often in collaboration with the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO) in Bandarban. These camps, coupled with madrasa networks, became breeding grounds for jihadist ideology, drawing inspiration from al-Qaeda and the Muslim Brotherhood.
The 2001–2006 period saw over 1,100 attacks targeting Awami League members, leftists, secularists, and religious minorities, with hundreds killed. Even after the banning of JMB and HuJI-B in 2005, their ideological and operational remnants persisted, splintering into groups like Ansar al-Islam (the Bangladesh wing of al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), formed in 2014) and ISIS’s Bangladesh branch (active since 2015).
Minority Repression Under the Touhidi Janata Banner
Extremist groups in Bangladesh have systematically targeted religious and cultural minorities under the pretext of establishing a Sharia-based state, often rallying under the banner of “Touhidi Janata” (God-fearing masses). Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, Shias, Ahmadis, and Sufis have faced brutal attacks, reflecting the jihadists’ rejection of Bangladesh’s pluralistic heritage.
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Notable incidents include the 2015 Kantaji Hindu temple bombing, the 2016 killing of a Buddhist monk in Bandarban, and the 2015 Bogra Shia mosque attack. Between 2013 and 2021, Hindus faced repeated communal violence, often linked to Jamaat’s political agitation against the Awami League. Christians, including a Baptist pastor stabbed in 2015, and Ahmadis, targeted in a 2016 mosque bombing, have been labelled “heretics” by groups like JMB and ISIS.
Secular intellectuals and activists, particularly those criticising Islamism, have been prime targets. The 2015 murder of Avijit Roy by Ansar al-Islam and the 2016 killing of LGBTQ+ activist Xulhaz Mannan highlight the jihadists’ aim to silence voices of dissent. These attacks, often claimed by AQIS or ISIS, align with the broader ideology of establishing a caliphate, rejecting secularism, and purging “un-Islamic” elements.
The Touhidi Janata narrative, propagated by leaders like Jasimuddin Rahmani and Mufti Harun Izhar, has fueled mob violence and legitimised jihadist campaigns against minorities and secularists, often with tacit support from Jamaat-aligned media like Daily Amar Desh and Naya Diganta.
Ideology, Targets, and Future Plans
The ideology of Bangladesh’s jihadist groups is rooted in Salafi-Jihadist thought, drawing from al-Qaeda, ISIS, and the Muslim Brotherhood. JMB, for instance, advocates for a strict Islamic state governed by Sharia, rejecting democracy, secularism, and Western influences. Its founder, Shaykh Abdur Rahman, was influenced by his time in Saudi Arabia and connections with the Muslim Brotherhood, shaping JMB’s vision of armed jihad. Similarly, HuJI-B’s Afghan war veterans revived a militant ethos that aligned with al-Qaeda’s global agenda.
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Ansar al-Islam and ISIS’s Bangladesh wing have expanded this ideology, targeting not only Bangladesh but also India’s northeastern states, Kashmir, and Myanmar’s Rakhine State through groups like Jama’atul Ansar Fil Hindal Sharqiya, formed post-2018 to unify jihadist efforts.
Their targets are diverse: religious minorities, secular intellectuals, security forces, and Western interests. The 2016 Holey Artisan Bakery attack, which killed 17 foreigners, underscored their aim to gain global attention and destabilise Bangladesh’s economy. Future plans include expanding jihadist operations across South Asia, with leaders like Rahmani openly calling for armed struggle in India and Myanmar.
So-called journalist Mahmudur Rahman and social media influencers like Elias Hossain and Pinaki Bhattacharya amplify these calls, leveraging platforms to recruit and radicalise youth. The release of Rahmani and other jihadists under the Yunus government signals a worrying trend, potentially emboldening groups to escalate attacks and pursue their Caliphate vision.
Yunus Government and Jihadist Connections
The interim government under Muhammad Yunus, which assumed power after the August 2024 ouster of Sheikh Hasina, has raised concerns about its ties to jihadist groups and foreign actors. Advisers and leaders from Jamaat, Hefazat-e-Islam, and the Nagorik Party, alongside figures like Asif Adnan and Syed Ziaul Haque, have been linked to al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Hizb ut-Tahrir.
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The release of Ansar al-Islam’s Rahmani, who has openly boasted about orchestrating secularist killings, suggests a permissive environment for jihadists. Reports indicate that Yunus’s regime, backed by the US, is aligning with Pakistan’s ISI and Afghan jihadist networks, potentially to destabilise the region.
The involvement of Pakistan and ISI is particularly concerning. HuJI-B’s historical ties to Pakistan’s militant ecosystem, coupled with AQIS’s formation in 2014, point to a coordinated effort to use Bangladesh as a launchpad for regional jihad. The ISI’s alleged support for groups like the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and JMB further complicates the security landscape, with training camps in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar reportedly hosting Rohingya militants alongside Bangladeshi jihadists.
US Involvement and the Rohingya Crisis
The United States’ growing interest in Bangladesh, particularly in the context of the Rohingya crisis, adds another layer of complexity. Reports suggest that the US is exploring control over Chittagong Port and Saint Martin’s Island, potentially to counter China’s influence in the Bay of Bengal. The “Quad Ports for the Future” initiative and discussions about leasing Saint Martin’s for a military base have raised fears of Bangladesh becoming a geopolitical pawn.
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Allegations of a US-backed plan to create a “Christian state” in parts of Bangladesh, Myanmar, and India, while speculative, echo concerns about foreign interference voiced by Sheikh Hasina.
The US’s support for the Rohingya crisis, including humanitarian corridors and engagement with ARSA, risks empowering jihadist elements. ARSA, linked to HuJI-B and ISI, has been involved in attacks in Rakhine, and its integration into Bangladesh’s militant ecosystem could destabilise Myanmar’s border regions.
The proposed Rakhine corridor, ostensibly for humanitarian purposes, could serve as a conduit for jihadist movements, threatening Myanmar’s sovereignty and India’s northeastern states.
Regional Dangers and the Path Forward
For India, Myanmar, and Nepal, the implications of Bangladesh’s extremist surge are profound. India faces threats to its northeastern states and Kashmir, where jihadist groups like AQIS and Jama’atul Ansar aim to incite violence. Myanmar’s Rakhine State, already volatile due to the Rohingya crisis, risks becoming a jihadist stronghold with ARSA’s involvement. Nepal, though less directly affected, must monitor cross-border militant activities given its proximity and porous borders.
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The Yunus government’s apparent alignment with jihadists and foreign powers exacerbates these risks. The release of militant leaders, coupled with US military activities in Chittagong and Sylhet, suggests a dangerous trajectory. India, Myanmar, and Nepal must strengthen intelligence-sharing, border security, and diplomatic coordination to counter this threat.
India’s historical role in Bangladesh’s liberation underscores its responsibility to support a stable, secular neighbour, while Myanmar must address the Rohingya crisis without enabling jihadist groups. Nepal should enhance its counter-terrorism measures to prevent spillover.
Bangladesh’s descent into extremism, fueled by the BNP-Jamaat nexus, jihadist groups, and geopolitical manoeuvring, demands urgent attention. India, Myanmar, and Nepal must act decisively to safeguard their security, lest Bangladesh become a hub for regional destabilisation.
The international community, particularly the US, must reassess its policies to ensure they do not inadvertently empower jihadists, while Bangladesh’s citizens deserve a transparent, democratic process to restore stability and pluralism.
The article was first published in The Spotlight.
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