The interim government of Bangladesh, led by Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, has come under fire for granting two new television channel licenses in a process critics describe as partisan, undermining its pledges of transparency, non-discrimination, and anti-corruption governance.
This controversy is compounded by a broader assault on press freedom, including the persecution of journalists through false criminal cases, arbitrary imprisonment, mass revocation of accreditation cards, intimidation, and mob attacks on media offices since August last year. These actions contradict the government’s promises.
Favouritism in Licensing
The licenses were awarded to Arifur Rahman Tuhin, a leader of the National Citizen Party (NCP), and Arifur Rahman, a former member of the National Citizensโ Committee, a precursor to the NCP.
Both told BBC Bangla their licenses for Next Television and Live TV, respectively, were obtained legally through their companies, 36 Media Limited and another entity, with involvement from investors and media professionals. However, critics argue the process favoured individuals with ties to the interim government, contradicting its anti-partisan rhetoric.
Information and Broadcasting Adviser Mahfuj Alam denied political bias, stating to BBC Bangla: โThe government is not shutting down any media. Our goal is to foster a competitive environment with anti-fascist media.โ Yet, this defense rings hollow given the governmentโs failure to implement a transparent process, a cornerstone of its promised reforms.
Escalating Persecution of Journalists: A Betrayal of Reform Promises
The interim government, formed after the 2024 army-backed jihadist coup, vowed to establish a corruption-free, non-partisan system. Instead, it has overseen a 230% surge in attacks on journalists since August 2024, with 878 media workers targeted between August 2024 and July 2025, according to the Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG).
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This includes 640 journalists harassed in the first eight months alone, per RRAG’s World Press Freedom Day 2025 report.
Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, Executive Director of Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB), said: โThe government had an opportunity to create a fair, transparent licensing policy in line with the Media Reform Commissionโs recommendations and the spirit of the uprising. Instead, it has signalled a continuation of authoritarian practices.โ
Kamal Ahmed, head of the Media Reform Commission, echoed this sentiment, noting that the commission recommended best practices for licensing, including the formation of an independent Media Commission to oversee the process. The interim governmentโs decision to bypass these recommendations and grant licenses to politically connected individuals has fueled accusations of hypocrisy, while simultaneously enabling a crackdown on dissenting voices in the media.
False Cases and Imprisonment
Since August 2024, over 292 journalists have been implicated in wholesale criminal cases, including murder, attempted murder, genocide, and crimes against humanity, often tied to the July-August 2024 protests. At least 39 have been arrested, with 13 remaining imprisoned as of mid-2025, denied bail and subjected to prolonged remands.
Notable cases include Shahriar Kabir, Farzana Rupa and Shakil Ahmed, detained for months on baseless murder charges despite no evidence linking them to the alleged crimes; they remain behind bars a year later. Shyamal Dutta, editor of the daily Bhorer Kagoj, and Mozammel Haque Babu face similar politically motivated detentions.
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has condemned these as “outrageous charges” and a “spiral of revenge,” urging Yunus to review cases and halt reprisals. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) describes them as “apparently baseless” retaliation against those perceived as supportive of the ousted Awami League.
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At least 10 journalists have been killed since the regime change, with incidents like the June 2025 murder of Khandaker Shah Alam highlighting targeted violence.
Mass Revocation of Accreditation Cards
In a move decried as punitive censorship, the Press Information Department revoked accreditations for 167 journalists between October and November 2024, with an additional 118 in November, totalling over 285 by early 2025. No specific reasons were provided, though targets were largely those seen as pro-Awami League. This bars them from government buildings and events, severely limiting their work.
The Editorsโ Council warned this “fosters a climate of control, including censorship,” while RSF called it “incomprehensible” self-censorship encouragement. TIB labelled it an “indicator of an anti-people authoritarian regime.”
Over 1,000 journalists have lost jobs or been forced to resign, with 83 press club memberships revoked and media houses forcibly taken over.
Intimidation and Financial Coercion
Intimidation tactics include freezing bank accounts of 18 journalists and investigating 107 via the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit (BFIU), a practice absent under the prior regime. Travel bans affect over 300, and 431 faced physical threats or violence in the past year. Proposed cyber laws, like the Cyber Protection Ordinance 2025, risk further stifling online expression.
CPJ notes this creates a “chilling effect,” with journalists facing job losses for critical reporting, such as Rahman Mizan and Fazle Rabbi’s dismissals after questioning officials. Expatriate journalists’ groups condemned this as “systematic persecution,” demanding an end to harassment.
Mob Attacks on Media Offices
Mob violence has surged, with 50+ attacks on media outlets since August 2024, often unchecked by authorities. Immediately after Hasina’s fall, offices of ATN Bangla, ATN News, Ekattor TV, Independent Television, and Somoy TV were looted and vandalised, halting broadcasts. In August 2024, Kaler Kantho and Radio Capital were ransacked, damaging 25 vehicles. The Chittagong Press Club was attacked, injuring 20 journalists.
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Prothom Alo and The Daily Star faced coordinated assaults in Dhaka, Rajshahi, and Bogura in November 2024, with mobs storming offices over “anti-Islamic” claims. RRAG reports 74 violence cases, including beatings and newsroom invasions. The Newspaper Owners’ Association condemned this as a threat to media safety, urging Yunus to prevent “mob justice.”
Media Reform Commissionโs Ignored Recommendations
The Media Reform Commission highlighted systemic flaws:
– Existing licenses lack transparent procedures, granted via political connections.
– Review all licenses from the past 15 years per policy.
– Form a Media Commission for oversight across media types.
Bypassing this has enabled cronyism and repression, with 50 channels approved (36 operational, 14 pending), many under dubious terms.
Licensing Process and Alleged Irregularities
Applicants submit documents to the Ministry of Information, verified by Home Affairs and BTRC. Tuhin and Rahman claimed compliance, but BNP-linked investors raise impartiality concerns. The commission exposed license sales, like Channel 9’s for Tk22 crore, unchecked by the government.
Licensing began in 1998, with partisan approvals under the Awami League (e.g., 13 channels in 2013) and the BNP. The interim government’s continuation erodes trust, per Dr. Iftekharuzzaman: โThe expectation was fundamental change for free journalism, but the government has perpetuated flaws.โ
Defenders of the Process
At a meeting of ATCO on Wednesday, Mahfuj Alam claimed that criteria were followed, prioritising diversity over delays from new laws.
Sarjis Alam dismissed NCP favouritism, claiming: โBNP influences 40 outlets; singling out NCP is deliberate.โ
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The interim governmentโs partisan licensing and press crackdownโevidenced by RRAG, RSF, CPJ, and TIB reportsโdeepens distrust. With oversaturated media and persistent allegations, Yunus must uphold transparency or risk perpetuating authoritarianism. As RSF urges, structural reforms are essential to protect journalism and democracy.
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