Former Foreign Minister Prof. A.K. Abdul Momen has expressed grave concerns over the shifting geopolitical landscape for Bangladesh under the interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus due to their potential long-term consequences.
In this second instalment of the exclusive interview with The Daily Republic, Prof. Momen warns that Bangladesh’s growing proximity to Pakistan, China, and Turkey risks alienating key partners.
He stresses that Bangladesh should follow the foundational principles of its foreign policy of “friendship towards all, malice towards none” as enunciated by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the additions like “neighbourhood first” under Sheikh Hasina.
Interview: Part-1
“Bangladesh becoming closer to Pakistan, China, and Turkey is likely to antagonise not only India but also Saudi Arabia and the USA. Since India and the USA are strategically together in the Indo-Pacific region, antagonising India may hurt the long-term interests of Bangladesh. Secondly, any closer relationship with China may make the USA hostile and upset. Turkey and KSA, besides Iran, are competitors for OIC leadership, and Bangladesh’s tilting too much towards Turkey may not be liked by Saudi Arabia, a friendly country that provided jobs to our nearly 28 million Bangladeshi workers.”
He said that as of late 2025, these dynamics have indeed intensified. Bangladesh has deepened ties with China through high-level visits and economic agreements while engaging more actively with Pakistan on defense and trade. Relations with India remain strained, marked by trade restrictions and diplomatic summons, even as bilateral meetings occurred on the sidelines of regional summits. Ties with Turkey have also expanded in defense cooperation.
He contrasts this with the previous government’s strength, linking it to the interim administration’s vulnerabilities.
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“Since the current Interim Government is very weak and unstable, therefore, their they can only retain their authority by pleasing big powers like the USA. Under the circumstances, the Yunus government is leasing not only St. Martin’s Island and Moheshkhali but also Bangladesh’s ports facilities and a corridor.
“It is possible that in order to contain China, the USA may further push Dr. Yunus, and in the process, Yunus may start a proxy war in the region that may change the current map of Bangladesh. If a prolonged proxy war starts, I am afraid Bangladesh may lose parts of its own territory to form a new country comprising the Rakhine state of Myanmar, CHT, Cox’s Bazar, and Khagrachhari of Bangladesh.
The Sheikh Hasina government has strong people’s support, and therefore, it was strong enough to say “No” even to the USA and therefore, through a “meticulous design,” she was overthrown, he added. President Trump publicly claimed that $29 million was spent by the previous US administration on it, and another big support possibly came from Dr. Yunus’s old friend, George Soros of the Deep State.
Recent developments highlight controversies around port management, with the Yunus government advancing leases of key terminals in Chattogram and elsewhere to foreign operators amid protests over sovereignty concerns. No confirmed reports exist of leases involving St. Martin’s Island or direct corridors, though strategic interests in the Bay of Bengal persist.
In the first part of the interview, Prof. Momen similarly raised alarms: “My concern is that Dr. Yunus might provoke a proxy war in the Indo-Pacific region to prolong his tenure in power.”
On sovereignty compromises, he adds: “Since the Yunus regime has no grassroots support, naturally, his only support base is foreign governments and agencies. In the process, he has already compromised national sovereignty. For example, he leased out the lucrative Bangladesh ports to foreign companies without any safeguards, he allowed its St. Martin’s Island, and he signed certain agreements secretly, and he refuses to disclose the terms of the agreements.
“Dr. Yunus is allowing the Chinese government to develop certain projects, such as the Teestha River project (earlier India agreed to provide technical support) and the Nilphamari Airport project, to China without disclosing the terms of the projects. He has been procuring weapons from China, Pakistan, and Turkey secretly without disclosing the details of the deals. In the process, he is compromising national sovereignty to gain their support to stay in power.”
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By late 2025, port terminal leases will have progressed despite domestic opposition, and defense procurements will continue from traditional suppliers like China, with emerging interests from Turkey and discussions involving Pakistan. The Teesta project remains a point of contention in bilateral talks with India.
Prof. Momen underscores the Bay of Bengal’s strategic importance amid competing interests. “The Bay of Bengal, being a doorway to the Indian Ocean, is very strategically positioned. Nearly 86% of global trade from China to Europe, to Africa, and to other parts of the world is being carried through the Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal.
“The Chinese have invested heavily in Myanmar, and they have developed a direct gas pipeline plus a modern port facility. India is also investing in Myanmar to develop its Kalagan port facility. The Japanese and South Korean governments have been investing heavily in their Big B-Plan initiatives with a lot of promises. Any conflict in the region will deprive the region of these promising development opportunities.
“The US has a long-term interest in monitoring and containing the supply chain of China, and it developed the Asian Quad in the Indo-Pacific region, comprising Japan, Australia, India, and the USA. The Russian Federation does not want to change the status quo of the Bay of Bengal. Given this scenario, a country like Bangladesh faces daunting challenges to navigate its Bay of Bengal policy strategy without displeasing any of its friends.”
Echoing his earlier emphasis on regional peace from Part I—”This is why we prioritised Economic Diplomacy…regional peace and stability were essential for Bangladesh’s rapid prosperity”—he stresses balanced navigation.
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Finally, on the Rohingya crisis: “The doctored election in Myanmar will not be acceptable to the Western powers nor to the exiled Myanmar Unity Government, and therefore, it may not help resolve the Rohingya crisis. The armed conflict will continue.”
As of December 2025, Myanmar’s military-staged elections—widely criticised as a sham amid ongoing civil war—have proceeded in phases, with violence persisting and little progress on repatriation, validating concerns over prolonged instability.
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