Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) and Human Rights Forum Bangladesh (HRFB) have issued separate but complementary statements criticising the recently approved National Human Rights Commission Ordinance, 2025, which was endorsed by the Advisory Council of Bangladesh’s interim government on October 31.
Both organisations emphasise the need for a robust, independent human rights body amid ongoing challenges in the country, but they highlight procedural opacity, structural flaws, and missed opportunities to align the commission with international standards like the Paris Principles. TIB focuses on substantive amendments to enhance effectiveness and equity, while HRFB stresses transparency in the legislative process to incorporate civil society feedback.
In its statement released on Sunday, TIB, led by Executive Director Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, welcomed the inclusion of stakeholder proposals in the draft but condemned the omission of critical reforms that could perpetuate the commission’s historical ineffectivenessโstemming from its 2009 inception under executive dominance. TIB argues the ordinance risks creating a “discriminatory commission” that hampers independent operations, urging urgent amendments to establish it as a credible institution per Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions standards.
Complementing this, HRFB’s Monday statement demands that the full ordinance be made public before promulgation, allowing citizens to assess its final form and purpose. Referring to an October 11 consultation where civil society provided key recommendations, HRFB questions whether these were adequately reflected. It recalls the 2009 Act’s failuresโmarked by executive control and inaction on serious violationsโand calls for a new framework ensuring independence, impartiality, inclusivity, and public trust, free from governmental overreach.
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Together, the statements underscore a shared vision: an empowered commission capable of addressing Bangladesh’s human rights crises without bureaucratic hurdles or bias. They warn that without revisions, the body will fail to counter executive influence, as seen in the past 15 years, and could exacerbate victim harassment in an already volatile environment.
Objectionable Issues in the Ordinance
The organisations pinpoint several provisions and omissions that undermine the commission’s autonomy, equity, and operational efficiency. Below is a summary of the key concerns:
# Discriminatory Part-Time Appointments: Allows part-time roles for two of the seven members (including the chair), creating unequal status, jurisdiction, and benefits among commissionersโechoing past ineffectiveness.
# Lack of Transparency in Nominations: Rejects publishing names of initially nominated candidates post-transparent selection, reducing public scrutiny.
# No Powers to Close Illegal Facilities: Ignores proposal for the commission to shut down unlawful detention centres and hold responsible parties accountable.
# Inadequate Legal Review Authority: Fails to grant the commission power to review human rights-conflicting laws and recommend amendments; omits precedence for this ordinance over conflicting statutes (e.g., Article 14).
# Mandatory Preliminary Investigations: Requires initial probes for all complaints, prolonging processes, overburdening the commission, and delaying justice/harassing victims.
# Unrestricted Government Deputations: Disregards limits on government employees (max 10% in deputation/investigation teams), mandatory commission input on selections, and merit-based open recruitment.
# Missing Financial Accountability: No mandate to publish annual financial audit reports online, weakening institutional transparency.
# Non-Public Disclosure of Final Draft: Ordinance not released pre-promulgation, obscuring civil society input from October 11 consultation and eroding trust.
# Deviation from International Standards: Overall structure risks executive control, ignoring the Paris Principles for independence and impartiality in handling violations.
These flaws, if unaddressed, could render the commission a toothless entity, ill-equipped for Bangladesh’s pressing needs.
Yunus Regime’s Violations, Impunity for Criminals, and Patronage of Mobs
The timing of this ordinance debate is particularly poignant, as it unfolds under Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus’ interim government, installed after the August 5, 2024, ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina amid student-led protests that escalated into widespread violence.
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While Yunus’ administration promised reforms and accountability for Hasina-era abuses (including UN-documented “crimes against humanity” like protest crackdowns), it has faced mounting criticism for its own record of gross human rights violations, systemic impunity for perpetrators, and tacit patronage of mob ruleโexacerbating chaos over the past 15 months.
International observers, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW), have repeatedly urged swift action, yet reports indicate a failure to rein in extrajudicial violence, protect minorities, and prosecute attackers, fostering a climate of lawlessness.
Gross Human Rights Violations: Since Hasina’s fall, Bangladesh has seen a surge in arbitrary arrests, assaults on detainees, and suppression of dissent. Over 182 journalists faced criminal cases from August 2024 to March 2025, with physical attacks and throttled press freedom under Yunus.
Opposition figures, particularly from the Awami League, report branding as “enemies of the state” and extrajudicial targeting, including over 500,000 political cases filed against opponents. Tribal minorities in areas like the Chittagong Hill Tracts have endured killings, mob terrorism, and sexual abuse, drawing UN fire in October 2025 for inadequate response.
HRW’s January 2025 report highlights ongoing criminal complaints against “unknown” actors in post-revolution violence, while detainees in Yunus-era facilities often suffer beatings, contradicting reform pledges.
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Awarding Impunity for Criminals: A core grievance is the government’s leniency toward perpetrators of post-August 2024 atrocities, with the Home Ministry issuing an order declaring impunity for incidents of killings, arson and looting from July 15 to August 8.
Amendments to the International Crimes (Tribunal) Act have been criticised for enabling selective prosecutionsโtargeting Hasina loyalists while shielding interim alliesโamid over 100 cases of alleged genocide and crimes against humanity filed by November 2024, many unresolved.
In minority attacks, 2,442 hate crimes (primarily against Hindus, Ahmadis, and tribals) were documented by July 2025, with “perpetrators enjoying impunity” due to ignored investigations and state inaction. Amnesty noted in August 2024 that the interim authorities’ failure to probe mob crimes against minorities perpetuates a cycle of unpunished vigilantism.
Patronising Mobs: The Yunus regime has been accused of “mobocracy,” where student-led groups and unchecked vigilantes dictate “justice,” displacing formal law enforcement. Mob lynchings and attacks on Awami League assets surged post-August 2024, with over 100 incidents by June 2025, including arson and assaults amid police reform delays.
Critics, including opposition voices, claim the government released criminals en masse and tolerated mob rule to consolidate power, leading to ordinary citizens living “in terror” of extrajudicial mobs by mid-2025. HRW’s World Report 2025 documents criminals and opposition supporters attacking properties with impunity, underscoring the interim government’s role in amplifying rather than curbing this anarchy.
Without a fortified human rights commission, Bangladesh risks entrenching the very abuses the 2024 revolution sought to end, under a regime that has prioritised political manoeuvring over justice.
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