The interim government under Nobel Peace laureate Mohammed Yunus has failed to deliver on its promises of human rights, neutrality, development, non-violence, justice, accountability, and transparency, New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) has observed.
Civil society leaders have also voiced concerns about crimes and corruption by political parties and other non-state groups, such as religious hardliners, since last July, with impunity.
Arbitrary detentions, unchecked mob violence, journalist harassment, and stalled reforms are repressive practices, contradicting the vision of a “new Bangladesh,” the HRW said in a press release on Wednesday.
The HRW recommended that the interim government end arbitrary detentions, prosecute security force members, ensure judicial independence, disband the RAB, and prioritise women’s rights.
It also urged foreign governments and the UN to support reforms through targeted sanctions, universal jurisdiction prosecutions, and linking Bangladesh’s UN peacekeeping participation to accountability.
Backed by the army and the radical Islamists, the interim government’s selective justice, targeting Awami League supporters while shielding security forces, political allies and extremists, undermines its credibility. The continuing torture and deaths in custody highlight the urgent need for security sector reform amid public and international frustration.
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The HRW critically examined the interim government’s failure to deliver on its promises of human rights, neutrality, development, non-violence, accountability, and transparency, while incorporating a critical perspective on the establishment narrative.
Failure to deliver on human rights promises
The interim government established on August 8, 2024, following the ousting of Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime, has failed to implement its ambitious human rights agenda. Despite initial optimism after mass protests toppled Hasina’s government, which was marked by widespread abuse like enforced disappearances, the interim government has not delivered systemic reforms to protect human rights.
Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director at HRW, noted, “The hope of the thousands who braved lethal violence a year ago…remains unfulfilled” due to the government’s inability to address ongoing challenges and implement reforms.
She emphasised the government’s struggle with “sometimes violent religious hardliners,” indicating a broader failure to address communal violence.
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The Yunus administration promised a “new Bangladesh” centered on unity, transparency, and democratic renewal, but it has fallen short of these commitments. The government’s failure to adopt recommendations from 11 reform commissions established in 2024 and from the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) highlights a lack of commitment to structural change.
The continued use of repressive laws and practices, such as the draconian Special Powers Act, mirrors the authoritarian tactics of the previous regime, undermining claims of progress toward a rights-respecting democracy.
A DW report from December 2024 highlights ongoing human rights violations under Yunus, including custodial deaths of Hasina’s supporters and fabricated cases against professionals, contradicting the interim government’s claims of protecting human rights.
Mohammad Ali Arafat, former state minister for information, told DW that families of victims are denied access to justice, indicating a lack of transparency and accountability.
Nur Khan Liton, a human rights activist and member of the Commission of Inquiry into Enforced Disappearances, told DW that detainees face physical assaults, pointing to ongoing abuses under Yunus.
Eminent lawyer ZI Khan Panna described the legal environment as deteriorating, stating, “Bangladesh has never witnessed anything like this before,” highlighting the unprecedented suppression under the interim government.
Arbitrary detentions and political persecution
The interim government has engaged in arbitrary detentions targeting perceived political opponents, particularly alleged Awami League supporters. Between August 6 and September 25, 2024, police lodged cases against 92,486 people, mostly for murder, and detained nearly 400 former Awami League officials in over 1,170 cases.
The case of Mohammad Atiqul Islam, former mayor of North Dhaka, detained since October 2024 for 68 murder cases—36 of which occurred while he was abroad—illustrates baseless arrests.
Over 8,600 people were reportedly arrested in “Operation Devil Hunt,” many without evidence, and hundreds may have been detained under the Special Powers Act.
These detentions appear politically motivated. The lack of evidence and formal charges in many cases, coupled with the denial of medical care and bail, suggests a deliberate campaign to suppress dissent rather than deliver justice.
The interim government’s denial of “mass arrests” lacks credibility given the scale of detentions, undermining its promise of neutrality and fairness. The failure to prosecute security forces involved in past abuses while aggressively targeting political opponents further erodes trust in the government’s commitment to accountability.
Meanwhile, Hindu activists criticise the interim government for labelling victims of temple and home attacks as “pro-Awami League Hindus” to justify violence, suggesting a narrative to excuse politically motivated persecution.
Surge in mob and political violence
The interim government faces an alarming surge in mob and political violence, including attacks on minority communities. On July 26–27, 2025, mobs damaged at least 14 Hindu homes in Rangpur district, and violations against minorities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts continue. A July 16, 2025, clash in Gopalganj involving security forces and Awami League supporters killed five people from gunshots after a rally by the National Citizen Party (NCP) or the King’s party.
The interim government’s inability to curb mob and political violence contradicts its promise of non-violence and stability.
By failing to address attacks on minorities and allowing violence by non-state actors, such as religious hardliners, the government has neglected its duty to protect all citizens, particularly vulnerable groups. The lack of accountability for these incidents suggests a continuation of impunity, undermining Yunus’s vision of a united Bangladesh.
An OHCHR report from February 2025 notes widespread attacks on Hindu homes and indigenous communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, often justified by accusations of loyalty to Hasina’s government.
Amnesty International documented violence against Hindu and Ahmadi communities on August 5–6, 2024, including the killing of a Hindu individual, highlighting the government’s failure to protect minorities.
Activists have condemned the Yunus regime for freeing terrorists and religious extremists while jailing a monk leading peaceful protests against attacks on Hindus, effectively crushing dissent and failing to protect minorities.
This suggests a selective approach to justice that prioritises political agendas over non-violence.
Harassment of journalists and suppression of free expression
The interim government has failed to protect journalists from harassment by political parties and non-state groups, including religious hardliners hostile to women’s rights and LGBTQ+ communities.
The revocation of press credentials for journalists and the filing of 113 criminal charges against journalists indicate suppression.
Despite Yunus’s public advocacy for media freedom, as expressed in an October 2024 interview with Prothom Alo, the interim government’s actions contradict its rhetoric.
The harassment of journalists and the use of vague laws to silence critics reflect a failure to uphold transparency and freedom of expression, key pillars of the promised democratic renewal.
The targeting of media professionals aligned with the previous regime suggests a lack of neutrality, as the government appears to prioritise political vengeance over press freedom.
A DW report cites the RRAG, which recorded 354 journalists harassed and 74 cases of violence against them under Yunus’s administration. Masood Kamal, a senior news editor, told DW that journalists aligned with Hasina are losing jobs and facing fabricated cases, indicating systematic suppression.
ZI Khan Panna, a prominent lawyer, expressed concerns to DW about the deteriorating legal environment, which affects journalists and critics speaking out against the interim government, further eroding free expression.
Expatriate journalists in a statement recently said in the first 11 months of the government, at least 412 journalists have been made defendants in various harassment cases, including murder cases; 39 journalists have been arrested; travel bans have been imposed on over three hundred journalists; bank accounts of over a hundred journalists have been seized; and harassment cases of corruption have been filed with the Anti-Corruption Commission.
Moreover, over 1,000 journalists across the country, including in Dhaka, have been dismissed from their jobs; press accreditation cards of 168 journalists have been canceled; membership of 101 journalists has been suspended, canceled, or expelled from press clubs across the country, including the National Press Club; and unprecedented incidents like media takeovers have occurred in Bangladesh.
During the July-August movement and in the subsequent period, 10 journalists were killed, and countless journalists were injured, but the government did not extend any assistance to the affected journalists or their families; rather, the scope of persecution has only expanded, they said.
The people of the country have also witnessed an unprecedented incident like “Jeafot”, where a mob was created in front of a newspaper office to slaughter cows.
Stalled reforms and women’s rights
The interim government established 11 commissions to recommend reforms in areas like the police, judiciary, and women’s rights, but these have not been adopted, and progress on a reduced reform agenda is slow.
Ensuring women’s full, equal, and safe participation in decision-making, per UN Security Council Resolution 1325, remains a critical unresolved issue, the HRW said.
The failure to implement reform commission recommendations, particularly on women’s rights, highlights the interim government’s inability to deliver on its development and gender equality promises.
The slow pace of reform and lack of political consensus suggest a lack of prioritisation, leaving women and marginalised groups vulnerable to ongoing violence and exclusion.
The OHCHR report documented gender-based violence against women protesters, including threats of rape, under Hasina’s regime, yet the interim government has not addressed these issues effectively, failing to ensure safe participation for women.
The Manabadhikar Shongskriti Foundation (MSF) has reported that 94 women from different communities were murdered in July, 51 women committed suicide, 56 were raped, and 18 were gang-raped. Moreover, seven women were raped and murdered, while 22 were victims of attempted rape and 26 were victims of sexual assault.
Three women had acid thrown on them, 13 were abducted and disappeare,d and three women were victims of illegal arbitration.
According to the Bangladesh Mahila Parishad, 235 women and girls were subjected to violence in July. Of them, 86 were girls (0-18 years) and 149 were women (18+ years). The statistics were compiled based on news published in 15 national newspapers.
Activists, civil society leaders and researchers say the interim government has failed to deliver on transparency and accountability. The lack of engagement with UN mechanisms and international support suggests a resistance to external oversight, potentially to shield ongoing abuse and maintain political control.
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