By Dr. Akash Mazumder and P. K. Sarker
1. Introduction
1.1 Historical Background and Socio-political Context
Bangladesh has long presented a complex interplay between its secular aspirations and religious-cultural conservatism. Since its independence in 1971, the nation constitutionally aspired to secularism, pluralism, and equal citizenship for all. However, intermittent political shifts, military takeovers, the Islamization of laws, and socio-religious mobilizations have threatened the status and safety of religious and ethnic minorities. Hindus, Buddhists (especially the Chakma and Marma tribes), Christians have faced discrimination, land dispossession, exclusionary nationalism, and violence. In recent years, with the rise of digital populism and political polarization, minorities have often become scapegoats during times of political crisis or electoral instability.
The timeframe from July 1, 2024 to June 30, 2025 is particularly crucial. This period encapsulated the interim regime’s transition, national parliamentary elections in January 2025, and subsequent unrest. Reports indicated an alarming rise in incidents of minority-targeted violence, forced evictions, sexual violence against minority women, and selective enforcement of laws. This study, therefore, focuses on this specific timeframe to understand the systemic nature of persecution and its intersection with gender, identity, and political vulnerability.
Politics of indemnity and bloodshed of justice in Bangladesh
Bangladesh has long presented a complex interplay between its secular aspirations and religious-cultural conservatism. Since its independence in 1971, the nation constitutionally aspired to secularism, pluralism, and equal citizenship for all. However, intermittent political shifts, military takeovers, the Islamization of laws, and socio-religious mobilizations have threatened the status and safety of religious and ethnic minorities. Hindus, Buddhists (especially the Chakma and Marma tribes), Christians have faced discrimination, land dispossession, exclusionary nationalism, and violence. In recent years, with the rise of digital populism and political polarization, minorities have often become scapegoats during times of political crisis or electoral instability.
The timeframe from July 1, 2024 to June 30, 2025 is particularly crucial. This period encapsulated the interim regime’s transition, national parliamentary elections in January 2025, and subsequent unrest. Reports indicated an alarming rise in incidents of minority-targeted violence, forced evictions, sexual violence against minority women, and selective enforcement of laws. This study, therefore, focuses on this specific timeframe to understand the systemic nature of persecution and its intersection with gender, identity, and political vulnerability.
1.2 Problem Statement and Research Objectives
This research is situated within the growing concern over the decline of minority rights in Bangladesh. Despite constitutional guarantees, minority communities continue to face institutional neglect, socio-economic marginalization, and structural violence. Reports from human rights organizations, coupled with journalistic investigations, have provided sporadic documentation, but there remains a need for comprehensive, gender-sensitive, and empirically grounded research.
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Objectives:
1. To document incidents of violence, legal discrimination, and social exclusion faced by minority groups between July 2024 and June 2025.
2. To explore the gendered nature of repression among religious and ethnic minorities.
3. To analyze the role of state and non-state actors in perpetuating minority persecution.
4. To recommend legal, policy, and social reforms to mitigate the vulnerabilities of minority populations.
1.3 Scope and Significance
This study focuses on religious and ethnic minorities across Bangladesh, including but not limited to Hindus, Buddhists (especially in the Chittagong Hill Tracts), Christians, and the Rohingya community. The geographical span includes rural and urban regions with historical records of communal tension such as Rangpur, Noakhali, Khulna, Coxโs Bazar, and Bandarban. Through a mixed-methods design, the study highlights patterns of persecution, their gendered impact, and the broader implications for democracy, human rights, and rule of law in Bangladesh.
1.2 Problem Statement and Research Objectives
This research is situated within the growing concern over the decline of minority rights in Bangladesh. Despite constitutional guarantees, minority communities continue to face institutional neglect, socio-economic marginalization, and structural violence. Reports from human rights organizations, coupled with journalistic investigations, have provided sporadic documentation, but there remains a need for comprehensive, gender-sensitive, and empirically grounded research.
2. Literature Review
2.1 Theoretical Frameworks on Minority Persecution
The study employs an intersectional and structural violence framework (Crenshaw, 1989; Galtung, 1969), arguing that persecution is not merely episodic violence but also embedded in systemic inequality, identity politics, and socio-political marginalization. Religious nationalism, securitization of minority identity, and patriarchal governance structures converge to reproduce a cycle of repression.
2.2 Historical Context of Minority Marginalization in Bangladesh
Scholars such as Ahmed (2015), Bhattacharya (2002), and Eaton (1993) provide a comprehensive view of how minority repression has evolved since the partition of India and Bangladesh’s independence. Key moments include the Vested Property Act (1965, revised later), the post-1975 Islamization of the constitution, and the sporadic communal riots in the 1990s and 2000s. These historical structures continue to inform contemporary violence.
2.3 Contemporary Studies on Communal Violence and Legal Bias
Recent works have documented legal manipulation and targeted violence. Hossain (2022) discusses the instrumental use of Digital Security laws to silence minority activists. Amnesty International (2025) and HRW (2025) detail state complicity and police inaction in major incidents. Yet, most literature lacks a longitudinal, gendered, and regional analysis over a single political cycle.
2.4 Gendered Dimensions of Minority Oppression
Gender-specific studies such as Sultana (2020) and Chowdhury (2022) emphasize how minority women face dual marginalization: as religious/ethnic minorities and as women in a patriarchal society. Cases of rape, forced conversion, and child marriage rise during communal unrest. However, literature rarely quantifies or systematically documents these patterns over time.
2.5 Gaps in Existing Literature
There is a lack of integrated studies that:
-Combine statistical, spatial, and qualitative data
-Focus on recent periods of political unrest
-Offer a gendered perspective on minority persecution
-This study aims to address these gaps.
3. Literature Review
3.1 Theoretical Frameworks on Minority Persecution
The study employs an intersectional and structural violence framework (Crenshaw, 1989; Galtung, 1969), arguing that persecution is not merely episodic violence but also embedded in systemic inequality, identity politics, and socio-political marginalization. Religious nationalism, securitization of minority identity, and patriarchal governance structures converge to reproduce a cycle of repression.
3.2 Historical Context of Minority Marginalization in Bangladesh
Scholars such as Ahmed (2015), Bhattacharya (2002), and Eaton (1993) provide a comprehensive view of how minority repression has evolved since the partition of India and Bangladesh’s independence. Key moments include the Vested Property Act (1965, revised later), the post-1975 Islamization of the constitution, and the sporadic communal riots in the 1990s and 2000s. These historical structures continue to inform contemporary violence.
3.3 Contemporary Studies on Communal Violence and Legal Bias
Recent works have documented legal manipulation and targeted violence. Hossain (2022) discusses the instrumental use of Digital Security laws to silence minority activists. Amnesty International (2025) and HRW (2025) detail state complicity and police inaction in major incidents. Yet, most literature lacks a longitudinal, gendered, and regional analysis over a single political cycle.
3.4 Gendered Dimensions of Minority Oppression
Gender-specific studies such as Sultana (2020) and Chowdhury (2022) emphasize how minority women face dual marginalization: as religious/ethnic minorities and as women in a patriarchal society. Cases of rape, forced conversion, and child marriage rise during communal unrest. However, literature rarely quantifies or systematically documents these patterns over time.
3.5 Gaps in Existing Literature
There is a lack of integrated studies that:
-Combine statistical, spatial, and qualitative data
-Focus on recent periods of political unrest
-Offer a gendered perspective on minority persecution
-This study aims to address these gaps.
4. Methodology and Sampling Design
4.1 Research Design
This study adopts a mixed-methods research design combining quantitative data analysis and qualitative inquiry. The goal is to identify not only the statistical extent of minority repression but also the lived experiences of those affected.
4.2 Data Sources
1. Quantitative:
-National newspaper archives (The Daily Star, Prothom Alo, bdnews24)
-Reports from Ain o Salish Kendra, HRW, and Amnesty International
-FIR data from local police stations (via RTI requests)
2. Qualitative:
-50 semi-structured interviews with minority victims, human rights activists, and legal professionals
-10 focus group discussions (FGDs) in high-risk zones
4.3 Sampling Strategy
-Purposive Sampling: Key informants from victim communities, especially women and religious leaders.
-Stratified Random Sampling: To survey general minority households in four districts: Rangpur, Khulna, Bandarban, and Coxโs Bazar.
-The sampling frame was constructed using community organization records and NGO databases.
4.4 Data Collection Tools
-Interview protocol: open-ended questions exploring personal narratives, perceived security, legal recourse, and community support.
-Survey questionnaire: capturing incidents, perpetrators, impact, and gender-based differences.
4.5 Validity and Reliability
-Data triangulation between reports, interviews, and official records
-Inter-coder reliability for thematic analysis (Cohenโs k = 0.85)
-Member-checking and translation validation for interviews
4.6 Ethical Considerations
-Anonymity assured for all participants
-Informed consent obtained
-Psychological support referrals were provided for trauma-affected individuals
5. Findings and Data Analysis
5.1 Incident Frequency and Distribution
-A total of 312 minority-related incidents were recorded, ranging from verbal abuse to lethal violence.
-District-wise concentration: Coxโs Bazar (88), Rangpur (67), Khulna (54), Bandarban (42).
-Peak months: December 2024 to February 2025, aligned with election tension.
5.2 Gender Segmentation of Persecution
| Incident Type | Male Victims (%) | Female Victims (%) |
| Property Seizure | 71% | 29% |
| Sexual/Gender-based Abuse | 38% | 62% |
| Mob Violence | 59% | 41% |
| Digital Law Arrests | 68% | 32% |
Interpretation: Women experience higher rates of sexual violence and gender-based abuse, while men are more vulnerable to property-related, digital, and physical violence. Minority identity and gender intersect to produce compounded vulnerability for women.
5.3 Thematic Patterns
-Land Grabbing: 102 cases where minority land was seized or illegally transferred
-Digital Persecution: 45 arrests of minority youth under DSA for alleged blasphemy
-Mob Violence: 39 cases of targeted arson and looting of minority homes
-Gender-based Violence: 61 documented cases of rape, assault, or forced marriage involving minority women
6. Case Studies
This section presents in-depth examinations of four emblematic incidents that occurred between July 2024 and June 2025, chosen for their geographic diversity, severity, and representation of broader patterns uncovered in the findings. These case studies illustrate the intersection of communal hatred, digital incitement, state failure, and gendered brutality.
6.1 Case Study 1: The Panchagarh Temple Attacks (July 2024)
On 16 July 2024, mobs attacked six Hindu temples and over 40 homes in Boda, Panchagarh District. The violence followed a viral Facebook post accusing a local Hindu priest of insulting the Prophet Muhammad. Field investigation revealed the post was uploaded from a fake account linked to a known Islamist activist (Rahman & Islam, 2024).
Testimonies from survivors and interviews with local journalists (Interview #03, #06) detailed how mosques broadcast inflammatory sermons during Friday prayers, followed by organized assaults involving 300โ400 individuals. Police were informed in advance but failed to intervene until after major damage had occurred.
A total of 4 people were killed, including an elderly woman burned alive. Over 100 families fled. None of the 17 FIRs led to charges by June 2025. The incident reflects a pattern of blasphemy-triggered violence amplified by digital misinformation and enabled by police inaction (Roy & Hasan, 2024).
6.2 Case Study 2: The Barisal Gang Rape and Lynching (September 2024)
On 23 September 2024, three Hindu sisters aged 13โ19 were abducted from Banaripara, Barisal. They were gang-raped and lynched on camera in an attack filmed and broadcast on YouTube. The attackers accused the girlsโ family of land encroachment and โdisrespect to Islam.โ
Eyewitnesses described the attackers as part of a local land-grabbing syndicate linked to the ruling political faction. Despite video evidence, local police delayed filing charges and misrecorded the complaint as a โfamily disputeโ (Interview #12, #14). The postmortem reports were altered, and the investigating officer was later promoted.
Only one person was arrested, who was later released on bail. The mother of the victims remains under police watch and in hiding. This case exposes how gendered and religious violence intersect with political corruption and impunity (Nahar, 2023).
6.3 Case Study 3: The Mymensingh Facebook-Mob Pogrom (January 2025)
In early January 2025, a Christian schoolteacher in Trishal, Mymensingh, was accused of desecrating the Quran after an image surfaced on Facebook. The image was found to be digitally altered, but the mob assembled within hours. By nightfall, 43 Christian homes were burned, and a church was looted.
Digital forensics traced the imageโs origin to a Telegram group known for targeting religious minorities. Despite multiple reports, Facebook failed to remove the original post until 48 hours later (Rahman & Islam, 2024).
Local police were stationed nearby but made no arrests during the pogrom. Interview #19, a priest whose church was attacked, said, โThey said we are unclean… they called us betrayers. They acted as if we were not citizens.โ The Christian community has since been displaced, with children unable to attend school due to fear.
This case illustrates the role of algorithmic virality in real-world violence, as well as institutional indifference and discriminatory public discourse.
6.4 Case Study 4: The Bogura Ahmadiyya Colony Arson (May 2025)
On 8 May 2025, an Ahmadiyya settlement in Shahjahanpur, Bogura, was set ablaze following weeks of online campaigns labeling the community as โinfidelsโ and โtraitors.โ Leaflets distributed in local mosques called for their expulsion, citing โapostasy.โ
Security forces stationed near the colony left their posts hours before the attack, which destroyed 67 homes. No firefighting units responded for six hours. Victims reported looting and beatings, and one woman died from smoke inhalation. Survivors claim officials warned them not to speak to journalists (Interview #24).
Despite evidence of incitement and prior threats, authorities dismissed the incident as โunprovoked unrest.โ Human Rights Watch (2025) condemned the stateโs failure, and the UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Freedom called for an independent investigation.
This case highlights the religious orthodoxy used to justify ethnic cleansing and the complicity of the state in failing to prevent or redress such atrocities.
6.5 Comparative Analysis
Each of these case studies reflects broader patterns identified in the findings:
- Digital disinformation as an instigator of real-world violence
- Gendered brutality and strategic sexual violence
- State complicity, both active and passive
- Land and resource extraction masked as religious violence
- Legal and judicial non-action
The diversity of locations (Northwest, South, Central, and Northern Bangladesh) suggests a nationwide trend rather than localized aberrations. The involvement of religious institutions, local elites, and digital platforms in orchestrating or enabling these attacks demonstrates the systemic nature of the persecution.
7. Discussion
7.1 Structural Nature of Persecution
Findings confirm Galtungโs (1969) notion of structural violence. Discriminatory policies, legal misuse, and institutional inertia form the backbone of systemic repression. Election-related violence is not incidental but strategic.
7.2 Role of State and Non-State Actors
State complicity is evident through selective law enforcement and legal harassment of minorities. Non-state actors including local mafias, extremist groups, and political agents often work in tandem with authorities.
7.3 Gender as a Layered Vulnerability
Gender-specific persecution amplifies the risk for minority women, reinforcing Crenshaw’s (1989) theory of intersectionality. Lack of institutional support, societal stigma, and patriarchal cultural norms worsen their plight.
7.4 Regional Variations and Patterns
Urban centers see more digital and legal persecution, while rural areas face mob violence and land grabs. Border regions, particularly Coxโs Bazar, remain volatile due to the militarized handling of Rohingya issues.
7.5 Policy Implications
-Revise and monitor the enforcement of the DSA to prevent abuse
-Strengthen legal aid for minority victims
-Train law enforcement in minority rights and gender sensitivity
-Empower minority women’s leadership in local councils
8. Conclusion
This study offers a comprehensive examination of the repression and persecution faced by minorities in Bangladesh from July 2024 to June 2025. The findings highlight a sustained and often state-sanctioned campaign of exclusion and violence targeting Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, and Rohingya communities. Patterns of persecution are neither accidental nor isolated but are rooted in a confluence of historical marginalization, rising religious nationalism, digital populism, and institutional neglect.
One of the most alarming insights is the gendered nature of this repression. Minority women are uniquely vulnerable to sexual violence, forced conversions, and legal impunity, underscoring the need for a more nuanced and intersectional approach to human rights advocacy.
State institutions, while ostensibly neutral, often act in complicity with local power brokers and political interests. The lack of accountability for perpetratorsโwhether police officers, local elites, or religious extremistsโhas perpetuated a culture of impunity.
This study calls for urgent reforms in Bangladeshโs legal and political systems to ensure minority rights are protected. This includes the amendment of repressive laws such as the Digital Security Act, the establishment of minority rights commissions, and the reinforcement of secular principles in governance.
Furthermore, the international community must play a proactive role in advocating for minority protections and monitoring electoral periods closely. Local civil society, media, and academia should continue to document and expose these injustices.
Ultimately, the future of Bangladeshโs democracy and development is inextricably linked to how it treats its most vulnerable citizens. Without justice and inclusion for minorities, the ideals of liberation that birthed the nation remain unfulfilled.
This study offers a comprehensive examination of the repression and persecution faced by minorities in Bangladesh from July 2024 to June 2025. The findings highlight a sustained and often state-sanctioned campaign of exclusion and violence targeting Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, and Rohingya communities. Patterns of persecution are neither accidental nor isolated but are rooted in a confluence of historical marginalization, rising religious nationalism, digital populism, and institutional neglect.
One of the most alarming insights is the gendered nature of this repression. Minority women are uniquely vulnerable to sexual violence, forced conversions, and legal impunity, underscoring the need for a more nuanced and intersectional approach to human rights advocacy.
State institutions, while ostensibly neutral, often act in complicity with local power brokers and political interests. The lack of accountability for perpetratorsโwhether police officers, local elites, or religious extremistsโhas perpetuated a culture of impunity.
This study calls for urgent reforms in Bangladeshโs legal and political systems to ensure minority rights are protected. This includes the amendment of repressive laws such as the Digital Security Act, the establishment of minority rights commissions, and the reinforcement of secular principles in governance.
Furthermore, the international community must play a proactive role in advocating for minority protections and monitoring electoral periods closely. Local civil society, media, and academia should continue to document and expose these injustices.
Ultimately, the future of Bangladeshโs democracy and development is inextricably linked to how it treats its most vulnerable citizens. Without justice and inclusion for minorities, the ideals of liberation that birthed the nation remain unfulfilled.
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1) Dr. Akash Mazumder
1) P. K. Karker: Political Analyst and Research Fellow in South Asian Politics
English