Why pro-regime voices are suddenly wailing over Awami League’s exclusion

The Yunus regime’s fascistic, undemocratic decision to ban the Bangladesh Awami League—the nation’s founding party and the single largest vote bloc—has turned Thursday’s parliamentary election into a grotesque, one-sided farce that no honest observer can call credible, inclusive, or legitimate.

Leading think tank Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD) has delivered a devastating indictment while publishing a survey result, warning that deliberately disenfranchising millions of Awami League supporters “risks undermining the credibility of the upcoming parliamentary elections.”

CPD Research Director Khandker Moazzem laid bare the regime’s arrogance: “Most surveys have identified the voters of the fallen party as a decisive factor in this election.” 

He drove the point home: “This means a large section of voters is not being given the opportunity to vote according to their preference.” 

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Moazzem made the inescapable conclusion: “Disregarding the views and participation of such a large portion of voters would inevitably raise serious questions about the credibility, legitimacy, and representative nature of the election.”

CPD’s verdict is unambiguous: Without the Awami League and its vast grassroots base, “holding an acceptable election while keeping out a major political force and its voters is extremely difficult.” The regime’s exclusionary purge has stripped the vote of any claim to being participatory or democratic.

Even regime insiders and former collaborators are now recoiling in disgust.

Economist Dr. Debapriya Bhattacharya of the CPD skewered the interim government on February 8: “Their capacity and potential are exhausted. All they can do now is hold a fair election—but it’s woefully non-inclusive.”

He demanded real inclusion for women, minorities, and dissenters, blasting the regime for leaving vulnerable groups exposed to violence with no protection.

Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik (SHUJAN) Secretary Badiul Alam Majumdar, who served on reform and consensus commissions, publicly washed his hands of the regime: “We assisted using our experience under public pressure. We did not act as part of the government.”

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Transparency International Bangladesh Executive Director Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, who headed the Anti-Corruption Commission reform panel, delivered a scathing verdict: the interim government failed after 18 months to lay strong foundations for justice, reform, or elections, with shortcomings far outweighing any achievements.

CPD Chairman Rehman Sobhan ridiculed the bundled referendum on January 29, calling it a “meaningless proposal.” He said: “Citizens are being asked to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to 38 complex reform proposals they do not even understand.”

He questioned the regime’s aggressive “Yes” campaign, suggesting it was merely to placate student representatives inside the Advisory Council.

Dhaka University Professor Zobaida Nasreen explained the growing civil society backlash: “Many had high expectations from the interim government, which gradually faded. At the same time, the Awami League’s popularity has increased due to the government’s actions over the past year and a half.”

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She added that many from the July movement are now “frustrated and hurt,” including those who worked with the regime. 

Prof. Nasreen demolished the regime’s logic: “It is very difficult to even imagine that banning a party through an executive order will erase it… If the people had rejected the Awami League, cancelled it at the ballot, then the party would have become politically irrelevant on its own. But instead of that, this election has turned into a major exercise of coercive power.”

She warned: “The Awami League has a cultural and social base. You are holding an election while keeping those grassroots voters outside in one way or another. That will inevitably keep a large section of voters away from polling stations. Even those who do come will vote under pressure. So the core purpose of voting—choosing a preferred candidate freely in a fair and neutral environment—is not being fulfilled.”

Writer and researcher Mohiuddin Ahmad condemned the executive fiat: “The question remains that voters did not reject this party through voting. The party has been kept out through a state executive order. An election without a major party like the Awami League will not be acceptable. That was the backdrop against which the 1/11 episode occurred. We must remember that.”

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The Awami League’s 15-year rule ended on August 5, 2024, after which the Anti-discrimination Student Movement (now NCP) demanded its ban. On May 12, 2025, the regime issued a gazette outlawing all Awami League activities; the Election Commission then suspended its registration, barring it from the polls.

Five US lawmakers questioned the ban in December. The European Union repeatedly insisted on an “inclusive” and “participatory” election. EU observation mission chief Ivars Ijabs defined inclusivity clearly: ensuring voting opportunities for all segments of society.

Multiple pre-election opinion polls underscored the Awami League’s decisive voter base—yet the Yunus regime chose naked coercion over democracy.

Awami League members and activists say this is not an election; it is a power grab masquerading as one. By banning the Awami League through executive fiat, the interim regime has disenfranchised millions, shredded credibility, and exposed its fascistic contempt for the people’s will. The belated hand-wringing from regime-friendly think-tanks and civil society figures only proves one thing: even their own allies now see the sham for what it is.