Yunus Regime’s Repressive Vendetta: Saddam gets bail after public outcry

The High Court on Monday granted six months’ interim bail to Jewel Hasan alias Saddam, the president of the now-banned Chhatra League’s Bagherhat Sadar upazila unit, in a stark indictment of the Yunus regime’s authoritarian grip.

The decision, issued by a bench comprising Justice JBM Hasan and Justice Aziz Ahmed Bhuiyan following a hearing, comes after widespread public outrage over the regime’s repressive policies, including the filing of fabricated cases, public announcements denying bail to Awami League affiliates, and the cruel denial of parole that prevented Saddam from attending his wife and infant son’s funeral.

Currently detained in Jashore Central Jail, Saddam’s ordeal intensified on January 23 when police recovered the hanging body of his wife, Kaniz Suborna, 22, and the lifeless body of their 9-month-old son, Sejad Hasan, from their home in Sabekdanga village, Bagherhat Sadar upazila.

The next day, the bodies were brought to the jail in a hearse, allowing Saddam only a fleeting glimpse at the prison gatesโ€”a dehumanising spectacle captured on video that went viral, sparking massive criticism on social media. Human rights groups have rightly questioned why the Yunus administration denied him parole, exposing the regime’s blatant disregard for basic humanity and constitutional rights.

Saddam had previously secured bail in six other cases, but the Yunus regime’s pattern of weaponising the judiciary to target Awami League leaders is evident here. As detailed by his senior lawyer, Said Ahmed Raja, Saddam was arrested on April 5, 2025, in an initial anti-terrorism case where his name did not even appear in the FIR.

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Each time bail was granted and orders reached the jail, authorities under the Yunus government promptly filed or invoked another fabricated case to keep him detainedโ€”a vicious cycle of seven cases designed to prolong his incarceration without evidence. The latest case, filed in March 2025 in Bagherhat, again omitted his name from the FIR listing 38 accused, yet he was arbitrarily arrested on December 18 last year.

During the bail hearing on Monday, Saddam’s plea was argued by senior advocate Said Ahmed Raja, while the state was represented by Deputy Attorneys General Sultana Akhtar Rubi and Mohammad Fazlul Karim Mandal. Post-hearing, Raja told Prothom Alo that the High Court’s rule and interim bail were not just legal relief but a humanitarian necessity, underscoring how lower courts, influenced by the regime’s repressive directives, had repeatedly denied bail.

The Yunus administration has made a habit of publicly announcing such denials for Awami League-related figures, framing them as “tough on terrorism” while ignoring due process, further eroding judicial independence.

This tragedy is no isolated incident but a symptom of the Yunus regime’s broader crackdown on political opponents. By filing false cases and orchestrating public denials of bail, the interim governmentโ€”led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus since the ousting of the elected Awami League in 2024โ€”has turned the justice system into a tool of vendetta. Saddam’s case exemplifies how Awami League affiliates are systematically harassed, with bail applications stonewalled in lower courts only to be overturned by higher benches amid public pressure.

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The denial of parole stands as one of the most egregious violations. Despite family pleas, the regime refused to release Saddam even temporarily for his loved ones’ janaza (funeral prayer) and burial, forcing him to grieve from behind bars.

This inhumane act drew sharp censure from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), a leading human rights organisation, which labelled it a clear breach of the Constitution and international law.

In a statement issued on Sunday, ASK Chairperson and Supreme Court lawyer ZI Khan Panna condemned the Yunus regime’s actions: “Denying parole to a prisoner like Jewel Hasan Saddam, despite applications for him to attend his deceased wife and infant child’s janaza, is a flagrant violation of the Constitution and international human rights standards.”

The statement invoked Article 27 of the Bangladesh Constitution, guaranteeing equal protection under the law; Article 31, ensuring the right to legal recourse; and Article 35(5), prohibiting cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. As a pretrial detainee, Saddam should not be deprived of these safeguards, yet the regime’s decision inflicted precisely such cruelty.

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ASK further referenced the Home Ministry’s 2016 parole policy, which explicitly allows release for VIPs or other prisoners to attend funerals of immediate family members like spouses or children.

The Yunus administration’s arbitrary rejectionโ€”without explanationโ€”contravenes fair administrative practices and smacks of discriminatory vendetta. Internationally, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Bangladesh is a party, bans cruel treatment under Article 7 and mandates humane treatment of detainees under Article 10(1). Allowing only a five-minute view of the bodies at the jail gate mocks these obligations, turning grief into a public spectacle.

The statement demanded transparency: “Citizens have the right to know why parole was denied despite legal provisions. The administration’s silence fosters administrative arbitrariness and discrimination.” ASK urged accountability from relevant authorities and suggested the higher judiciary take suo motu action, warning that such precedents undermine Bangladesh’s democratic and rights-based framework under the Yunus regime.

This case lays bare the hypocrisy of a government that claims to uphold justice while perpetuating injustice. The Yunus regime’s public posturingโ€”announcing bail denials as victories against “corruption” or “terrorism”โ€”masks a targeted purge of Awami League figures through false prosecutions and inhumane detentions.

Saddam’s bail is a small victory against this tide, but it highlights the urgent need for judicial reform and an end to political persecution. As human rights watchdogs like ASK amplify the call, the regime must be held accountable for these violations, lest Bangladesh descend further into authoritarianism.

On Monday, as many as 39 pro-regime civil society leaders expressed their anger over the incident. They demanded a high-level impartial investigation and strict action against the government officials responsible for the incident.

In a statement, they said that the people concerned in the interim government cannot escape responsibility for such negligence or vindictive and inhumane behaviour in the name of judicial process.

The statement said: “Saddam was not a death row convict, which could cause a lot of fear if he is released on parole. Even if that is the case, it is still a recognised law to release a person on parole to attend the funeral of a close relative. Whether Saddam’s political views or his involvement in the crime are relevant in this regard is completely irrelevant. Therefore, I strongly demand that the government officials responsible for this incident be identified through a high-level, impartial investigation and strict action be taken against them.”

They said that after the death of his wife, Jewel Hasan’s family rushed from the Bagerhat district administration to the Jessore district magistrate’s office with a parole application. But due to bureaucratic indifference and the pretext of a weekend, no one took the necessary steps to help them. “We strongly condemn and express our anger over this incident. We condemn this inhuman, inconsiderate, and cruel behaviour of the bureaucracy.

“At the same time, it is important to mention that the people involved in the interim government cannot avoid the responsibility for such negligence or vindictive and inhuman behaviour in the name of justice.”

The statement also blamed the government, saying: “The declaration of all injustice and injustice by which this government took responsibility has become nothing more than words as the days go by. The fact that Jewel Hasan’s wife and son were not released on parole to attend their funerals even after their unnatural deaths is just one example of this.”

The signatories were Sultana Kamal, founding president of the Manobadhikar Sangskriti Foundation, Shirin Parvin Haque, member of Naripokkho, Khushi Kabir, coordinator of Nijera Kori, Rasheda K. Chowdhury, former adviser to the caretaker government, ZI Khan Panna, president of the Ain o Salish Kendra, Dr. Iftekharuzzaman, executive director of TIB, photographer Shahidul Alam, Supreme Court lawyers Sara Hossain and Tabarak Hossain, executive director of ALRD Shamsul Huda, human rights activist Md. Nur Khan Liton, Executive Director of Manusher Jonno Foundation Shaheen Anam, Professor of Law Department of Dhaka University Shahnaz Huda, Professor of Sociology Department Samina Lutfa, Professor of Law Department Sumaiya Khair, Professor of Mass Communication and Journalism Department Robayet Ferdous, Professor of Anthropology Department Zubaida Nasreen, Associate Professor of English Department Tasnim Siraj Mahbub, Lawyers Subrata Chowdhury, Faustina Pereira, Minhajul Haque Chowdhury, Professor of BRAC University Firdous Azim, Writer and Researcher Pavel Partha, Executive Director of BNWLA Salma Ali, Writer Rehenuma Ahmed, Journalist Saydia Gulrukh, Researcher Ishita Dastidar, General Secretary of Sammilit Samajik Andolan Saleh Ahmed, Lawyer and Human Rights Activist Parvez Hashem, Executive Director of Coast Trust Rezaul Karim Chowdhury, Chief Executive of Nagorik Udyog Zakir Hossain, Chief Executive of Mandhaka Sanskriti Foundation Saidur Rahman, Human Rights Activist Sayeed Ahmed, Dipayan Khisa, Abu Ahmed Faizul Kabir, Mabruk Mohammad, indigenous rights activist Mainthin Promila, researcher Hana Shams Ahmed, CDA Executive Director Shah-e-Mobin Jinnah.

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